Sey News

[The_Oan_Isles]

Trade-offs of Political Oppression

Cillian Palanian

---

People underestimate the financial cost of the security apparatus that the Packilvanian government uses to maintain political stability in the country and keep the Bedonite dynasty in power. But, we often underestimate how in choosing to dedicate resources on security many elements of social support and institutional development have remained compromised and undermine the very ends of the securitisation of the state: state stability and continued Bedonite rule. Ironically, it also leaves the Bedonite dynasty well positioned to destroy itself and the country through infighting and the lack of adequate structures to manage the fall out due to a lack of checks and balances.

On a per capita basis, experts estimate that Packilvania has the most CCTV cameras in the world. Last year, at his budget vote speech, Prince Lohadek, the Minister of State Security celebrated the installation of tens of millions of state managed and operated CCTV cameras. These cameras are procured from domestic producers of security equipment. However, they must be accompanied by investments into repair and replacement which the government largely outsources to third party contractors. Given the lack of transparency around how the tenders for these are awarded and the lack of accountability for political and senior security officials, it is likely that the vast CCTV infrastructure of Packilvania is of poor quality and little practical utility.

These deficiencies are compounded by the fact that tens of thousands of agents of the Cyber and Telecommunications Security Agency must be devoted to simply looking through footage and identifying potential threats to public order and safety. With billions of hours of footage and too few staff to have eyes on all of them, it is basically impossible to have eyes on everything happening in the country. As a result, leaked documents from the CTSA state that the government prioritises high security threat areas.

This is followed by the immense data space required to store the billions of hours of footage that has sometimes led to footage from places that are not high security priorities being deleted after a period lapses, rendering the value of having CCTV cameras useless. The government has attempted to mitigate these factors by having tech companies create artificial intelligence and big data models capable of extracting meaningful value from the immense footage from the CCTV camera network. However, the government has been duped by snake oil salesmen selling extremely inaccurate and unreliable software that has largely scuppered the promise of the program. So severe, was this issue that the Department of State Security has attempted to seize control of procurement of this technology and put the big tech giants of Packilvania to work on this.

Unfortunately for the state, building expertise in this space has been tricky and the tech giants have relied on models and technologies from foreign nations including from private security and tech contractors from its supposed political rivals such as FPS, Norgsveldet and South Hills. This has created a gaping hole in the security apparatus of the government that is open for exploitation or being undermined by foreign governments.

The extent of these challenges is not a myth either. In the early 2000s, massive protests broke out in Fidakar after a police officer murdered a minor. These protests not only showed the anger that the people had toward the state for its atrocious handling of the incident but their frustration at the culture within the broader security and political apparatus that enabled this situation to arise. Through grassroots activism and social organisation, millions managed to get onto the streets and force the government to significantly reform the running of Fidakar. The government granted many of these concessions proving that even a tyrannical dictatorship as feared as that of the Sultans is capable of reform with enough social pressure.

This incident was such a massive security disaster for the Bedonite dynasty that it has spent the past two decades attempting to erase it from public memory through banning books and publications, arresting people and destroying any evidence. Unfortunately for them, they cannot erase the event from the minds of those who were there and who observed the outcomes thereof.

Another province has been brewing with malcontent for sometime. In Iganar, the richest province in the country, the government has struggled to curtail the operations of gangs of men who perpetrate violent crime in the name of Ultra conservative Paxists religious ideology. To the chagrin of the state, many of their members are embedded in clerical structures and they occupy gradiants of both the intensity of action and independence from the clergy. This makes it difficult to disentangle these groups from the religious structures and isolate them and destroy them. This is especially problematic given that Iganar is the birthplace of the celebrity Magister. These are highly influential Magisters with massive followings and pop-culture appeal who leave semi-independent operations as heads of organisations that operate independently from the Magisterium in various social and religious spheres, a practice that the Magisterium is reluctant to stop.

Given that, these Magisters are powerful figures with wealth who use these violent gangs to settle disputes, depose rivals, and control their following. These are de facto gangsters whom the government is struggling to control due to its close relationship with the Magisterium and the Magisterium’s reluctance to investigate and address these issues in any significant detail.

The actions by the Governors following Sultan Thumim V’s wedding through their open rebellion shows Just how much disputes in the Imperial House have ramifications for the rest of the country. While, Sultan Thumim V has attempted to project the image that he is in charge by removing these governors and other officials who supported them, the fact that many ministers from his father’s era still keep their jobs even a year into his reign demonstrates that he is balancing the stability of the family with his own agenda. It has been almost 1 and half years since his attempted assassination and we have no convictions and no names. Prince Kujil was arrested, but since then nothing has been heard and no other Prince or truly senior official has being brought to book despite the fact that it is obvious he could not have possibly acted alone. The military made a show of arresting some low level officials but come on, be serious! It is highly unlikely that this incredible operation was a solo gig.

In conclusion the Packilvanian security situation is a complete mess, and it is totally unstable. Well organised and well connected forces have the ability to undermine and potentially upend the whole show.

[The_Oan_Isles]

The Great Brain and Muscle Drain Crisis

Iliat Nukhtan

---

Packilvania is currently experiencing rapid emigration of its physically strong semi-skilled workers who are finding work on construction sites in rich countries and its skilled professionals and scientists.

Despite record economic growth, wages in Packilvania are artificially suppressed by the weak currency making imports expensive. Housing prices in the big cities with the highest incomes, high deposit requirements, and high mortgage interest rates make affording a home difficult even for educated professionals.

For the working class, the absence of social welfare and safety nets such as pensions and grants for the poor, means that families are forced to save for a rainy day. Near factories, power plants and construction sites where these people live and work, pollution, crime and limited government services lower the standard of living for many people.

Young people are underemployed i.e., working jobs for which they are overqualified because the highly competitive job market incentivises young people to pursue degrees instead of apprenticeships. Without protections such as mandatory leave, many people work long hours under subpar safety standards.

Additionally, the Household Registration system restricts access to public services and opportunities for people working and living outside of their place of birth. The government’s heavy-handed and authoritarian policies have resulted in intrusions and limitations in people’s private affairs.

Confronting a combination of quality of life, income and housing difficulties, many of the brightest minds and the strongest workers seek opportunities abroad. Over the past ten years, there has been an increase in people learning Staynish through night school and parents are putting their children through private tutors. Wealthier people buy second homes abroad and send their children to easier-to-access universities in foreign countries.

According to the Packilvanian Statistics and Monitoring Agency, the rate of emigration has increased by over 300% over the last ten years and the rate of return immigration has fallen by 50%. There are over a million students in universities overseas and are among the largest foreign student populations on the planet.

With the rise of great power competition in technology and science, Packilvania’s government has built up some of the best universities in the world that have spawned scientific discoveries and technological innovations that have rivalled even the mightiest and most advanced countries. Nevertheless, the outside world has proven lucrative and as Liberal Auroro-Concordan culture permeates through media and the internet, the cultural and social gap that keeps many Packilvanians from making that leap will disintegrate.

[The_Oan_Isles]

Leaked: Princess rebukes inbreeding within Bedonite dynasty

Basram Thuakim

---

A letter has been leaked of the Duchess of Khashar, the Junior Minister in the Prime Minister's Office for Imperial Affairs, rebuking the practice of inbreeding in the family. She claims that this is causing congenital birth defects and threatens the health and life of the family. Here's a snippet of the text:

"I write to you because of a scourge that weighs heavily on my heart - a scourge of whose extent and nature I was woefully ignorant.

I recall attending the blessing of Princess Adaranya and Prince Khitahan’s child Prince Ixahion. I was confused as to why the child’s arm was facing away from its normal position. I inquired as to whether the child was comfortable. Princess Adaranya assured me that the child was fine and that this is how they were born. I looked more closely at the child; its eyes were uncharacteristically far from each other, and it seemed to yelp more like an animal than a Feline child.

During the conversation, Princess Adaranya’s father, Prince Imdohan, said he was glad for the match as Princess Adaranya married someone he trusted: his brother’s son.

I had to place a handkerchief on my mouth and seize the urge to expel my lunch from the incorrect end.

Unphased by my change in colour, he said that it was a common practice in the family to ensure that princesses kept their titles.

Horrified, I conducted an investigation and this is what I found: there are tens of marriages within this family between first cousins and a dozen between siblings.

This disturbing custom cannot be allowed to continue. I do not know what negligence or ignorance existed before my tenure as the Minister of Imperial Affairs, but I recommend the following:

The Sultan should not allow princesses and princes to keep their titles if they wish to marry a member of this dynasty. A long-term solution is to strip them of their titles so that they no longer have the incentive to marry relatives. I await your feedback my liege."

This letter is dated before the Sultan stripped princes of their titles (see here for more The Crescent - News from Packilvania (Open to Syndication) - #38 by The_Oan_Isles)

[The_Oan_Isles]

The Defiant
Are Packilvanians subsidizing cheap consumer goods
Yes and the consequences for future development

15 July 2024

Yushad Mansuwar

The citizens of many rich liberal democratic capitalist countries are angry about deindustrialisation due to the offshoring of factories to foreign countries due low cost labour, weaker regulations and abundant capital. While this has allowed liberal consumers to enjoy abundant and affordable consumer goods, it has caused a decline in blue-collar jobs and increased competition in low and high skilled jobs resulting in unemployment, and inequality. People on both sides of the political spectrum are rightfully critical of globalisation and its effects on the working class.

One of the countries that is most often criticized is Packilvania. Through the Export-Import Bank of Packilvania, the Packilvania lured foreign companies with affordable capital, Tax incentives, minimal regulations and comparably lax labour protections to attract foreign firms to set up factories and subsequently move their operations. Coupled with the extensive modern network infrastructure and economies of agglomeration and scale offered by its large cities, it became the de facto factory of the world.

To provide the environment for unbridled capitalism to thrive, someone had to foot the bill. It was not just the blue-collar workers of liberal democratic countries but also the people of Packilvania. The government had to redirect spending from public services and social welfare. It had to impose a draconian police state to disincentivise and fragment resistance. It had to suppress domestic wages through the absence of a liveable minimum wage and by undervaluing its currency to both disincentivise imports and make Packilvanian goods more affordable abroad. Workers have had to work extra hours to meet quotas or to simply keep their jobs. Competition for spaces in prestigious universities is vicious and blue-collar workers are stuck in low income jobs.

While millions have been lifted from abject poverty and the country was lifted to middle income status in what was termed the Packilvanian economic miracle, citizens are feeling the pressures created by this export-led economic model. Packilvania was once among the most birth-rate fertile countries in the world. While birth rates remain around replacement level, with women getting an education and entering the workforce and the high cost of housing in the urban centres where high income jobs and business opportunities are abundant, birth rates have declined.

This is normally a good thing, but the country’s birth rates are approaching below replacement levels and the country’s population is projected to peak at 1.7 billion in 10 years time. In that time, it must switch to a consumption-led developed market, evading the middle income prime. Experts argue that without political reform, currency and capital market liberalisation, and sacrificing the break neck export-led economic growth model and its attendant policies, Packilvania will stagnate in 10 to 20 years.

While these timelines seem to give the country plenty of time to course correct, in the lifecycle of a nation, especially one as ancient as Packilvania, 10 years is nothing. The current model has birthed the most billionaires of any country, who are highly incentivised to maintain the status quo, especially the Bedonite dynasty, who despite their best intentions and palpable desire to uplift their country, face political pressures that may impede that trajectory and the citizens of Packilcania may continue to subsidize the consumption patterns of the developed nations of the world for years to come.

[The_Oan_Isles]

The Defiant

Did Communist rule end in Packilvania
Not completely

18 July 2024

By Axinad Lukhwadeem

---

The Second Packilvanian Civil War was an armed conflict between the Carriers of Mercy and the Packilvanian Communist Party. The Carriers of Mercy were led by Amhoud I and the Bedonite dynasty and the communists by the General Secretary, the last of whom was Thawal Yaladir. The war ended through an agreement in which a Constitution was passed reestablishing a theocratic state under a semi-absolute monarchy. The country seemed to undergo an economic transformation as private property (excluding land) was respected and entrepreneurship was permitted and even encouraged. Given that communism as envisioned by Gideon Muktan and Nikobar Luden, calls for atheism, state-control and abolition of private ownership of the means of production, one would presume, that the core tenets of their beliefs have been uprooted.

Firstly, the Packilvanian Communist Party never achieved their goal of fully implementing communism. Policies such as land collectivisation caused famines that gave rise to quasi-private ownership. Despite factories coming under the control of state officials and workers’ council (leSuvihyat or Soviets) and the government setting quotas on production and giving out ration cards for access to consumer goods, a thriving black market existed. While nominally atheistic including disestablishing the Magisterium of Paxism as the state church and removing Paxism as the state religion, people continued to practice in their homes and conduct pilgrimage to major sites such as the Memorial of the Jovian Gate which were preserved by the state.

By the start of the war, most of the members of the Carriers of Mercy were former Communists Party members and had never disavowed the Communo-Socialist ideological paradigm in it’s entirety. Most of the Warriors of Mercy, its military wing, were defectors from the People’s Liberation Army. With the negotiated settlement of the war, most Communists Party civil servants kept their jobs and many senior communist leaders became oligarchs following the wave of privatisation that ensued.

The “Socialism with Packilvanian characteristics” that was adopted as the de facto ideology persists in that strategic industries such as banking and electricity are owned largely by the Government. The state pursues aggressive industrial policies such as subsidies, quotas and targets. The government still owns all the land, and rather leases it to the people. The government calls “five-year plans” “integrated development plans”. Penal labour colonies of some kind continue to exist in varying degrees. Communist institutions such as the People’s Procuratorate were transplanted wholesale with the word “Imperial” added.

Opening the economy to the private and foreign sector was caused by necessity, not by a fundamental desire to break with socialism. Given the economic devastation of the war, the funding required to rebuild the economy and spur growth didn’t exist in the country. Steep capital controls, and state-led currency manipulation, enable the government to exercise control over capital markets in ways reminiscent of a socialist government.

Make no mistake, Packilvania can be a cut-throat capitalist country in some sectors such competition in education and for jobs, and the power of private businesses, but I would argue that in most cases modern day Packilvania is ruled by “Socialism with Paxist characteristics” and a sprinkling of free-market economics. The Socialist Orthodoxy may hold that a failure to adhere dogmatically to Muktano-Ludenist ideology is capitalism, but as to whether the PCP still manifests and persists throughout Packilvania, I suspect the answer is a resounding yes.

[The_Oan_Isles]

The Defiant

Did the Communists help the Bedonites come to power?

Yes, and how the Carriers of Mercy got screwed over

18 July 2024

Axinad Lukhwadeem

---

After the Second Packilvanian Civil War, the Packilvanian Communist Party and the Carriers of Mercy agreed to hand power over to the Constitutional Assembly which drafted the Constitution and set up a transitional government in 1985.

The Packilvanian Communist Party was facing an internal civil war and revolts from the public following their disastrous handling of the war and the use of nuclear weapons in Iganar. Despite capturing several provinces and proving popular, the Carriers of Mercy were not approaching the negotiations from a position of strength. The Communists still controlled the powerful intelligence agencies, bureaucracy, law enforcement and nuclear arsenal. The Carriers had to make significant compromises in order to remove the Communists from power and end the decade-long war that had drained them of men and treasure.

Amhoud I and the Acting General Secretary of the Packilvanian Communist Party, Iman Erdahin had a covert agreement to preserve some of the power of the Communist party and give most of their leaders immunity from prosecution for genocide and war crimes. In return, the Communists would support making Amhoud I the head of state and grant him wide-sweeping political powers to enforce the agreement and protect the vestiges of the Communist party.

People often forget that despite fighting for the end of Communist rule, Amhoud I had been a loyal cadre for decades and was nurtured by the organisation. He even rose to the position of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party. Before he rescued millions of humans from ethnic cleansing and genocide, he was the foremost enforcer of the eugenics and ethnic cleansing policies of the Communist party.

I would argue that Amhoud I manipulated the Carriers of Mercy and sold them out to secure political and constitutional status and power for himself and his family. I will probably go into this, in more detail in future articles, but Packilvania has a remarkably powerful judiciary and prosecutorial system compared to other dictatorships. This is not just because the Bedonites feel that access to justice is paramount. But also because the Communists entrenched themselves in those structures. Through the mandatory 10 seats in the Legislative Council granted to the judiciary and the 20 seats granted to the military, the Communists were indirectly granted representation in the political system long after their party was formally dissolved.

In contrast, the Magisterium and the Bedonites secured seats for themselves. As a result, they pushed out most of the factions of the Carriers of Mercy that were opposed to Amhoud’s rule or the system of monarchy. The Bedonites established a remnant of the Carriers from their loyalists known as the United Compatriots, in theory a charity for commemorating the war and taking care of its veterans, in practice a party that identifies and supports royalist politicians to stand for election across the country’s elected bodies.

Within the Carriers, there were factions that believed in a republic, in gender equality, in freedom of religion and secularism, in free market economics, in ultra-conservatism and religious piety, and in justice for humans (including reparations and vengeance). These factions were represented by people such as Yabraan Yalqayad, Basaam Ixanahan and others. Despite forming part of the senior leadership of the Carriers, they were sidelined and relegated to junior roles, while Communist collaborators like Eron Dohal and the Mudawaheen family were brought into the negotiations and the corridors of power.

In their short-sighted desire to protect themselves from the consequences of their immoral and deeply problematic rule, the Communists were willing to hand the country over to a single family and their close allies. Even if we presume that they were well-intentioned or that their self-preservation was understandable, they concentrated power and wealth in the hands of a small cabal who despite their best intentions and many accolades and qualifications, are subject to the trappings of power, and prone to authoritarianism.

Former Carrier spokesperson and political dissident, Qamid Rashadun once wrote, “In our desperation to end the war and its attendant atrocities, we allowed ourselves to be used in one of the greatest coup d’etats of all time. By the time we noticed that we had handed the country to the Bedonite dynasty, it was too late” (“yeluRakheenqur khaluhayiy lujaheed nadine leinqimat leyuduf, wamihdabiyashalv khaluqintaya welulaqteer alusuvraan luyadafaya welehadath lemajum aluYasteriya. weluKhron waknasa watakabadam ludomin wemeBedon, oluwahab lumawtafiyam”).

[The_Oan_Isles]

The Defiant

If Pax is a constitutional monarchy, why is it not a democracy?
A warning about protecting our freedoms

23 July 2024

Axinad Lukhwadeem

---

Packilvania has the institutions one would expect to see in a democracy. They have a constitution that secures basic rights and establishes a three branch government with checks between them and provides for the devolution of power to subnational structures. Their monarchy is nominally constrained by the Consistution, the Supreme Court has the power to strike down laws that violate the constitution, their Legislative Council consists of elected representatives that have real power to pass laws and hold the executive branch accountable and the Consultative Assembly consists of real citizens selected largely at random with guaranteed representation for women, minorities and the youth.

One could argue that members of the Carriers of Mercy who fought against and defeated the dictatorship of the Packilvanian Communist Party got their wish for a democratic, free and prosperous country. However, Packilvania’s record on sapient rights (while gradually improving) is lamentable as demonstrated by its pervasive surveillance and censorship. How is this possible?

The Borg is in the details. The Legislative Council consists of delegates of legislative bodies and special constituencies who are both insulated from public accountability and susceptible to executive and wealthy interests. The Consultative Assembly is merely a rubber stamp that has neither the platform, cooperation or mandate to challenge and debate the proposals presented to it. The Constitution meant to constrain the Sultan’s power, in fact, expands and protects it. The mighty Supreme Court can only enforce and interpret the laws that exist which tend to be regressive. All these entities have a vested interest in maintaining and expanding the power and position of the political elite.

Although power is devolved to subnational structures, citizens only play a meaningful role in electing representatives at the lowest and least politically powerful level. Secondly, there is a deep securitisation through internet surveillance and repression of free speech and the media. Thirdly, barriers exist to prevent peaceful organising by civilians. Fourth, the government does not act to protect civilians from patriarchal and deeply hierarchical social customs. Powerful corporate structures (both public and state owned), influence politicians to pass laws favourable to the interests of their stakeholders.

Without a thriving civil service, and a government committed to liberal values, and with the unmitigated dominance of conservative values and capitalist interests, authoritarian systems emerge that self perpetuate through entrenching resources in a small elite and eliminating independent progressive voices. It is possible for many liberal democratic countries today to regressive into Pax-adjacent dictatorships through policies such as gerrymandering, corporate and special interest lobbying, laws and systems that impede labour movements, economic institutions that promote inequality through so-called rugged individualism, cultural practices that make violence easily accessible to third parties and non-state actors, and values that promote homogeneity and obedience.

We see some of these trends taking root in nominally free countries. For instance, the Oan Isles handed Jasper Ray to the Packilvanian security forces despite knowing that the human rights record of that country is spotty at best. We see it in the political violence that has emerged in Great Morstaybishlia through the attempted assassination of Franklin Barvata, the riots in Joralesia and the secessionist movements in Marislia. We see it in the unexplained disappearance of Clauzia Sarohart. We see in attempts in Nystatiszna to arbitrarily restrict the food source of Kemonomimi. We see it in Blåskog’s invasion of Syrtænzna.

Democracy is not like a natural phenomenon or a chemical reaction. It is not absolute or inevitable. It wavers. It stutters and mutters on the path to delivering the outcomes expected of it and must be defended vigorously. As we continue to follow the troubling revelations from Packilvania in the cases of Prince Kujil and Jasper Ray and the emerging scandals surrounding Sultan Thumim’s attempted assassination, we need to recognise the signs of democratic decay all about us, and be resistant to their intrusion. We should not presume that the morality of even good leaders will save us, but accountability and transparency.

Packilvania’s slow and sometimes frustrating trudge towards some form of freedom is happening because the population is becoming prosperous and more difficult to control, and the conflicting interests of multiple power brokers and constituencies require peaceful resolution, or force some accountability and transparency. But without the progressive appetite and effort to meaningfully reform, dogmatic preachers, corrupt bureaucrats, exploitative employers, and violent gangs are taking that freedom and bending it to whims that are outside of the formal political system. Stay woke.

---

Edit: Due to the concerns of some irrate whomsoever, Nekomimi has been changed to Kemonomimi, but all the other opinions will remain as is. Thanks boos.

[The_Oan_Isles]

The Defiant

Did Pax decriminalise homosexuality and legalise gay marriage?
Kinda, sorta, maybe, no

4 July 2024

Jamal Ru’utalak

---

Pax passed a law called the Best Friends Act (literally the most adorable name for a piece of statute in history). The Crescent explains what law entails quite satisfactorily, so we won’t go into the actual content of the law itself, just it’s implications.

The law and its proponents are very insistent that homosexuality remains illegal. But in reality, they make homosexuality so difficult to prove, and provide practically all of the benefits of marriage that gay rights activists would be fighting for, that in reality they’ve given gay rights. Public affection and sexual intercourse outside of marriage is forbidden for everyone, so no special clearance on that front.

But if we look deeper, does a rose by any other name smell just as sweet? The thing about being gay is that one often wants it to be known. We want to love whomever we please without being ashamed of it. And the Pax government still clouds it in shame. Besties, as the Crescent puts it, are forced to disavow and condemn homosexuality. I imagine that a gay couple that registers as besties will be reminded of the shame and hatred that surrounds their relationship.

And I feel that creating the best friend alternative practically stops all potential decriminalisation of homosexuality in its tracks. Any moves to make homosexuality legal and afford gay and other LGBTQIA+ folk formal protection and rights will be stopped. It’s kind of like getting close to your destination but the road suddenly stopping. Yeah, sure you’re close, but are you there if you’re not there?

The fact that the White Paper for this law is clearly rooted in Paxist beliefs about friendship, not a liberal march toward different types of relationships, it shows that there is no political liberalisation. It’s just an accident that they doubled down so hard on theocracy that we got limited improvement in gay rights by accident.

Gay rights tend to accompany the rights of women, children, sex workers, transgender persons and other groups. So if gay rights are not explicitly part of the agenda, I am extremely reluctant to give the Packilvanian government any form of praise. I would encourage the Packilvanian LGBT+ rights movement to stand firm and continue the fight!

[The_Oan_Isles]

The Defiant

How Rich are Packilvanian Politicians?
Extremely, and why foreign lobbying is concerning the Packilvanian authorities

29 March 2025

Last week, a draft report by the State Security Agency of Packilvania was leaked by an anonymous whistleblower to the Defiant. It investigated the financial dealings and interests of members of the Legislative Council of Packilvania (the top law-making body of the country), and discovered that many legislators were under private and foreign influence, threatening the power of the Bedonite-Magisterium-led ruling class.

Most of the members of the Legislative Council (MLCs) are millionaires. The lowest speculated asset value was 5.6 million Kiribs while the highest was 2.3 billion Kiribs, with the average being 21.7 million Kiribs.

Other than the members who are part of the military and judiciary, most members have careers in finance, law and engineering. Most members were senior leaders in large corporations e.g., directors, CEOs and shareholders.

Many of these MLCs maintain close links with the private sector and state-owned corporations. Evidence has shown that much of their wealth was acquired as “gifts” such as houses and yachts, or preferential treatment such as being awarded contracts under dubious circumstances.

Because, in Packilvania, a tiny group of people actually vote for MLCs, they court donations from companies, wealthy benefactors and foreign countries to support their candidacy in return for political favours such as approving laws or proposing amendments in line with their sponsor’s interests.

These politicians do not often directly receive funding, but the entities backing their candidacy will fund lavish dinners and vacations, buy gifts, or donate to charitable causes for those who vote for their preferred candidates.

Many MLCs increase their political clout and influence through high profile appearances on the news, articles in prestigious papers, and hosting or speaking at large events like rallies, town halls and other gatherings. The younger generation of MLCs is increasing their political clout and personal following through social media by hosting lives, and posting aspirant lifestyle content, or relatable and humouristic content.

With thriving careers that pay vastly higher wages than being an MLC, why do so many bother. It is not the salary that draws people, but the connections, influence and opportunities that the position brings. As companies and foreign governments clamour for influence in the tightly sealed Packilvanian political circuit, the MLCs are the soft underbelly that allows multifaceted agendas to be championed. MLCs these days often serve on various other bodies and committees exercising increasing social and political influence.

With the support of powerful backers and the material safety net to survive losing the job, there has been a corresponding increase in the vigour and thoroughness of questions to the executive branch. Supported by think tanks and experts from lobbying groups, MLCs are picking legislation apart and demanding amendments. Some are bold enough to propose resolutions to take stances on issues including contradicting official government policy.

The webs being constructed by MLCs are becoming so vast that long-term incumbents wield disproportionate influence, and are often powerbrokers consulted by the executive branch to elicit the support of the legislative branch. As non-royals are gradually filtering into executive positions e.g., the powerful Minister of State Security being the former Chairman of the Security Committee, the Magisterium and Bedonite dynasty are losing the unquestioned grip on political authority.

While they remain the foremost anchor of political life and a dictatorship under their influence is unlikely to be overthrown, the diversity of political actors and competition from outside the established order, allows a multiplicity of views to both take shape and find expression in the policy decisions and legislative outcomes of this government.

These trends have been taking place at the local and provincial level leading to highly autonomous and self confident provincial and local government bodies. The uptick in resistance to national rule from the provinces such as Fidakar’s dispute with Iganar over carbon emissions, Ashura’s dispute with the government over the homoadjacent nature of the Best Friend’s Act, and the attempts by the governors to force Thumim to restore Abuyin to his standing as the Crown Prince, demonstrate the extent to which the Bedonite’s power is no longer absolute.

With internal battles such as the execution of Prince Kujil, the surprise resignation of Sultan Thumim’s staunchest ally Prince Lohadek, and Prince Abuyin’s isolation, the Bedonite dynasty is vulnerable to these multifaceted externalities and underestimates them at their peril.