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LIBERTY CITY — Four years after the assassination of President Christopher Arctoris by the terrorist group SLA the Liberty City Council voted to approve the renaming of the city to Arctoris City two years after it was first proposed by Mrs. Marriam Arctoris, President Arctoris’ wife, who was not in the Blue House at the time of the terrorist attack. Mrs. Arctoris became the face of the Honor Arctoris campaign that raised $5 million dollars to pay for the resident vote. The resident vote was held last year with 83% of the residents of Liberty City voting in favor to rename the city to honor President Arctoris. Last month, President Delacroix, petitioned Parliament to pass a resolution that they would formally change the capital’s name to Arctoris City if passed by the Liberty City Council. Yesterday the resolution passed unanimously in the Council of the Alliance and Assembly of Representatives in a rare show of solidarity among its members. A Liberty City Council spokesperson said in an email that the transition to the new name will happen over the next several months and that the city will start using the new name starting tomorrow morning.

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THE DEFIANT JOINS SEY NEWS
9 February 2022 CE
Agatha Grey
Tilden, Free Pax States - As of 9 February 2022, the Defiant has officially joined the SEY News family of news agencies and broadcasters. Due to the high level of press censorship, journalist harassing and outright state propaganda of the government of Packilvania, getting reliable, accurate, impartial and unbiased news from there was extremely difficult. The government closely monitored the information that entered and left the country and punished those who broke its repressive laws. Thus, the Defiant was established, operating from Tilden in Free Pax States to provide news about Packilvania that was accurate and unbiased. Because of the heavy restrictions we faced in Packilvania, we opted to operate from FPS and work with a secret network of reporters and writers from Packilvania. As we join SEY News, we want to honour the brave reporters of all species and religions in Packilvania who strive for the truth and risk their lives, liberty and health to acquire it. We will continue with our mission to report on Packilvania while also looking at the implications of events and policies in that country on the world in general and the SEY region specifically.

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WHY DOES PAX SUPPORT RODENIA?
9 February 2022 CE
Agatha Grey
Axdel’s recent withdrawal from the PCT has prompted a lot of speculation about why it is acting in this way. But another question that we should be asking is why does Packilvania continue to support Rodenia?
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Rodenia has an economy of 684 billion KRB and a 16,500 KRB GDP per capita. Although its economic size pales in comparison to the size of the Packilvanian economy, Rodenia is a major market for Packilvanian export goods. Rodenia is also a massive customer of Packilvanian military hardware. Not only does this boost Pacilvanian weapons exports, but Rodenia’s active or dormant military conflicts also show the effectiveness of Packilvanian military hardware to other nations. This is both to lure those who wish to purchase these systems and a warning to those would threaten Packilvania.
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Another reason is that Rodenia is one of the few allies that Packilvania has. The reality is that Packilvania is the most diplomatically and strategically isolated of the four superpowers (if you include Asendavia). Thus, it has to carefully preserve and maintain its partnerships with the nations with which it maintains alliances. What makes Packilvania a problematic ally, is not the fact that Packilvania is a dictatorship. Asendavia is basically a dictatorship according to some analysts. The real reason is that being a Packilvanian ally is problematic is because it also entails accepting that your relationship with Pax will always be unequal and that Pax will see you as a client state, not as an equal.
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Nations that accept this arrangement are usually nations that are dictatorships themselves and have been left stranded without many alternatives. Furthermore, Pax’s diplomatic isolation means that you must accept that you will forego potential partnerships with other nations and multilateral organisations, which is a reality that many dictatorships have to live with anyway. Packilvania, however, is not necessarily desperate for friends as it can work with non-state actors and it has maintained close economic relationships with nations with which it is nominally hostile such as having an economic agreement with FPS while their border is heavily fortified.
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Rodenia provides Pax not only with an ally but also a point in Arcturia from which to project military power in Arcturia. Then the question that follows is to what extent is Pax willing to defend Rodenia. This one is tough to answer, but the truth is that Rodenia has sort of answered that question for them. Rodenia has a military budget of 41 billion KRB and 650,000 personnel. It would take an invasion force of 3 times that number to successfully effect a military occupation. Thus, Packilvania does not have to commit its entire navy and military because it can simply build on a highly robust and battle-trained military while coordinating in the background through diplomacy and economics. Packilvania is a major consumer of Axdelian value-added goods, so we might see some economic sanctions. Pax might also leverage a currency war with the kirib to force the other UNAC states to get Axdel to calm down.
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Inasmuch as Axdel is allegedly using a new strategy of being bolder and less predictable, it needs to understand that the same confusion it is putting its enemies through, it is also putting its allies through. As of the writing of this article, not a single UNAC state has supported Axdel and that says a lot.

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WHY WAS PRINCE KUJIL ARRESTED?
24 April 2022 CE
Agatha Grey
Prince Kujil, the mayor of the second largest and second most economically important city in Packilvania, was arrested by Packilvania authorities and subsequently sentenced to 6 years in prison. He was arrested on several counts of corrupt activities. His arrest and the subsequent reforms announced by the Packilvanian government in dealing with corruption have boosted investor confidence with the Packilvanian dinar and Packilvanian stocks rallying on international exchanges. Furthermore, anti-corruption activists have called this a major win for the rule of law. The significance of this event cannot be overstated.

Normally Princes who are accused of corruption are asked to resign from their positions and scale back their public engagement to diminish public scrutiny of their unscrupulous affairs. However, since Prince Thumim was appointed Regent, visible changes have emerged. He allowed the courts to try Prince Kujil, arguably one of the most powerful princes in the House of Bedon. This is a sign to both the international community and to his domestic audience that he is willing and able to clean up Pax’s government.

However, he is also treading carefully. It was the Prime Minister who instructed the acting mayor of Kemer, the Duke of Obran to undertake reforms. It was the Prime Minister’s office which posted the report on corruption in Kemer on their website and vowed to bring effect to its recommendations. It seems that Prince Luwadeen and Prince Thumim have consecrated their alliance. However, it also shows some reticence on the part of Prince Thumim. He wants to warn but not scare the other Princes. The truth is that his position is not secure and the process of consolidating power will need political sacrifices even at the expense of his moral beliefs or ambitious goals.

Whispers in the Bingolian halls of power suggest that Prince Thumim is not merely acting as a great reformer. He is trying to quietly and subtly expunge and expose political opponents. Even if the Bedonite dynasty is one family, there is no more bitter a rivalry than between its sons. As the window of opportunity for Prince Thumim’s opponents to court his favour closes, one must wait to see whether they will seek to challenge or overthrow him instead.


AGATHA GREY INTERVIEWS PRINCE KUJIL OF PACKILVANIA
Agatha Grey
25 April 2022

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QUEER AND PAXIST
28 April 2022 CE
Lohaad Duhal


Lohaad Duhal, Paxist Minister, Fashion Designer and LGBT+ Rights Activist
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Paxism is often seen as a conservative chauvinistic, xenophobic, misogynistic, transphobic, and homophobic religion. But, that’s not true. Packilvania as the largest Paxist country is a patriarchal society. Given its political and economic significance, it has given the impression that the version of Paxism that they subscribe to is the same as that observed by people of other countries. But that’s not the entire picture.

I am a citizen of Free Pax States. My ancestors have lived here for centuries. My grandparents and great grandparents fought for the unification of Free Pax States and for the proliferation of democratic, egalitarian, and liberal values. Like our relatives in Packilvania, we speak Packilvanian and eat Pax Fruites and we believe in Paxism. We believe in Noi and Pax and we follow the path of Assimilation. Unlike Packilvania, Assimilation does not mean bringing other nations under your political control or endorsing strict and problematic values emanating from the state. Instead, it means cultivating a personal relationship with our deity. It means showing compassion for others and striving to be your true self.

That’s why I can express myself in ways that Paxists in Packilvania might find appalling. I have tattoos and I’m not afraid of showing my body. Moreover, I’m not scared of loving who I choose and identifying in a way that feels natural to me. I’m sad for the people in Packilvania who see Assimilation as oppressive and resist it in their hearts. I am also sad for people in other nations who misconstrue what assimilation is all about and what Paxism means.

In his recent interview, Prince Kujil said that he would not dignify queerness which he described as “morally debased”. All I have to say to him and other bigots like him is Blessed Assimilation and F*** you :kissing_heart:

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WHY IS PAX’S SUPPORT FOR RODENIA SO RESTRAINED
1 April 2022 CE
Agatha Grey

Although Packilvania has been engaged in a screaming match with the UCA, Vistaraland and Axdel, the reality is that Packilvania has not been showing Rodenia enthusiastic support. They’ve sent military advisers and some infantry equipment, but it has become apparent from their diplomatic posturing including appeals to international law and relatively mild economic sanctions that their support for Rodenia is much less than was initially expected. This actually represents an ideological and power struggle between the Minister of Defence, Prince Kiran a-Idesh Bedon, and Sultan Namdun III. Even though, the Sultan is portrayed as a powerful leader (which indeed he is), he is not an all-powerful ruler.

Prince Kiran has actually tried to move Packilvania towards a more efficient and modern military power. He was able to get a substantial increase in the military budget (from 210 billion KRB to around 300 billion KRB). He is working towards disestablishing the Packilvanian Expeditionary Force and moving the country away from supporting terrorist organizations. Furthermore, he is moving towards rooting out corruption, cutting back spending on white elephant projects (like the bloated nuclear, chemical and biological weapons capabilities), streamlining the officer corps, fixing logistical issues and reducing dependence on reservists and tribal militias. The Sultan believed in prestige and used the military to dispense patronage (for example, a Prince wanted to experience being in a submarine. Although, the Sultan authorised it, Prince Kiran refused and had the Prince arrested and tried in military court for attempting to obstruct the work of the armed forces).

This is not to say that Prince Kiran is working alone (for instance, he has the full support of the Regent and Crown Prince, Prince Thumim) nor is it to imply that his reforms are entirely successful and flawless. This struggle between the Sultan and the Minister of Defence in turn underlies the performance of the Packilvanian military in Rodenia. The reality is that Prince Kiran and Prince Thumim think that Santon is an idiot who should have turned Puntalia into an independent buffer state under a puppet government rather than maintain an ongoing occupation and attempted annexation of its territory. However, due to their pride and their embarrassment for havign supported Santonian Rodenia at all, they maintain outward public support.

As such, many analysts believe that should the UCA, Vistaraland and Axdel make concessions or open negotiations, Pax might reciprocate with the same. Nonetheless, it is still unclear how the two sides could shape the war in the end.

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THE REGENT’S MEN
9 May 2022 CE
Agatha Grey

As Prince Thumim consolidates power in Packilvania, let’s take a look at the people who comprise part of his inner circle and through whom he exercises power and influence in the nation.

Prince Luwadeen a-Harim Bedon is the Prime Minister of Packilvania and President of the Privy Council of Drakkengard. As the head of the executive branch, he plays an important role in shaping government policy and shaping the work of the government. Born to Sultan Amhoud II’s brother, Prince Harim, he was the Minister of Finance for many years. Sultan Namdun III chose him for the role because he proved an excellent economic and financial manager, but he has butted heads with the Sultan over public expenditure on welfare and infrastructure (as Prince Luwadeen had a more fiscally conservative worldview). He shares Prince Thumim’s values of a smaller, more professional, more efficient public administration and more market-friendly economic policies.

Prince Kiran a-Idesh Bedon is the son of Sultan Amhoud II’s brother, Prince Idesh. He is the incumbent Minister of Defence and has previously served as a General in the armed forces. He has overseen the modernization and professionalization of the Packilvanian Armed Forces often butting heads with the Sultan on appointments and procurement. He shares Prince Thumim’s vision of leaner and more lethal armed forces.

Prince Alawadun a-Jibrael Bedon is the Minister of Foreign Affairs and is close to Prince Kiran. He has advocated for a foreign policy that engages more with the world through conventional diplomacy. He previously supported unconventional diplomatic tools such as the support of non-state actors, but he pivoted over the past few years as Packilvania became more diplomatically isolated.

Prince Lohadek a-Amhoud Bedon is Sultan Namdun III’s younger brother and was born to Sultan Amhoud II. He is the Minister of State Security. He oversees the state surveillance and foreign intelligence apparatus. He is incredibly loyal to Prince Thumim and has thwarted assassination attempts and insurrections against his authority. He is regarded as ruthless and inefficient. His total disregard for sapient rights has led to him being personally targeted and condemned by foreign governments.

WHAT MAKES A SUPERPOWER: THE CURIOUS CASE OF PACKILVANIA
9 May 2022 CE
Agatha Grey

Packilvania is arguably the third or fourth most powerful country in the world, but is it a superpower. Is it really a peer to Great Morstaybishlia or South Hills? Can the case of Packilvania unveil what actually makes a country a superpower?
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Packilvania has the third highest GDP in the world, the largest nuclear stockpile in the world, the largest military in total manpower (active and reserve), it has by far the biggest population and the second largest land area. So one would argue that it is a peer power to South Hills and Great Morstaybishlia.
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But it’s not that simple. South Hills has a per capita GDP of 56,000 KRB and Great Morstaybishlia has a GDP per capita of 30,000 KRB while Packilvania has a GDP per capita of 9,500 KRB. South Hills and Great Morstaybishlia are democratic countries. They are incredibly open and attractive destinations for skilled immigrants and foreign direct investment. Great Morstaybishlia has the most powerful navy in the world and it maintains naval bases all over the world. Furthermore, SHD and KRB are basically the two reserve currencies in the world. The Stayno-Codexian langauge is the de facto official language of the planet. These nations are also highly technologically advanced.
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In contrast, Packilvania is like a world within the world. It is highly isolated, suspicious of foreign influences and bullish in its exertion of military and strategic power abroad. Further, it is a dictatorship with wealth concentrated in a ruler who is not well-liked abroad. Furthermore, the Rodenia-Puntalia and Iphelklori-Sokala Wars were astronomical strategic defeats, so catastrophic to Packilvania that the Sultan left power to his son. Although Packilvania is powerful, if not arguably the third most powerful country in the world, I do not think the evidence supports it as a peer power to South Hills and Great Morstaybishlia.
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More pertinently, does it need to be a super power? In reality, it’s neither here nor there whether it meets the criteria. It has shown through the International Convention on Climate Change and the Commercial Cooperation Partnership with some League of Novaris nations. Furthermore, through various wars in Yasteria it has demonstrated it’s efficacy abroad. But given delusions of being a peer power to SH and MBE, its strategic objectives are unlikely to be met by its capabilities. Does it have the potential to become a superpower? That is yet unknown.

IS PACKILVANIA AN ABSOLUTE MONARCHY?
A CRITICISM OF POLITICAL CLASSIFICATION
11 September 2022
Emilio Mendez

Political commentators and analysts often describe the Sultanate of Packilvania as a unitary theocratic absolute monarchy. This description is not entirely accurate or reflective of the reality of that country. Packilvania serves as a case study of why political classifications are often misleading and the public needs to take a closer view to be better informed.

Firstly, technically the country is a constitutional monarchy since the Sultan is restrained by the constitution and the government of Packilvania describes itself as such. Foreign commentators describe the country as an absolute monarchy because the Constitution puts very little actual restraints on the monarch’s power.

However, even this classification is problematic. The reality is that the Sultan shares power with others and there are limits to the extent of his influence. The provincial governments exercise considerable autonomy over their internal affairs to the extent that they share characteristics with federal systems.

Although many of the top leaders of the country are members of the ruling family, many of them are chosen based on their educational attainments. Thus, one could argue that the country exhibits strong signs of technocracy.

Although the government technically owns all the biggest corporations, one could argue that its the corporations that shape government policy based on profit motives as one would see in a corporatocracy.

Thus, I would describe Packilvania as a devolved corporatocratic technocratic hereditary dictatorship. But of course even my assessment would be inaccurate, nevertheless it shows that a country’s politics are not always straightforward and political values vary. So, I implore the public of politicians who cloak their criticism of others or praise of themselves in moralistic and legalistic language.


THE CONFLICTING INTERESTS AND INCENTIVES OF AN AUTHORITARIAN GOVERNMENT
THE SULTANATE OF PACKILVANIA AS A CASE STUDY

Salima Navion and Eden RIchards

One of the policies that the government of the Sultanate of Packilvania has been putting in place is to combat tax evasion and money laundering. there are a variety of reforms and mechanisms that the government has announced in this regard. Although the government of Packilvania maintains relatively standard tax laws by world standards it offers many incentives to encourage and direct industrial development in the direction of its economic policies. Furthermore, to prevent the flight of capital, the government has leveraged tax cuts for the richest people in the country. Thus, the attempts by the government to combat inequality tax evasion and money laundering should be applauded but that does not necessarily mean that they are solely driven by those objectives.

One of the policies that the government of Packilvania introduced was to stop providing tax cuts for the donation of artworks made to museums. This was specifically targeted at modern artwork. This was designed to mitigate the ever-growing tendency of rich people to overspend on artworks at the government describes as frivolous. It is well known that the art industry has been used to launder money and evade taxes by exploiting loopholes in the tax code not only of Packilvania but of many other countries. But by examining the details of the new policy it is possible to discern that there were other considerations that were being made by the government in this regard.

The new tax policies allow for large tax cuts for the donation of historical artefacts. This in part aims to incentivize wealthy people who are in possession of culturally significant objects to return them to government institutions so that the public can enjoy them. However, the new policies also allow for tax cuts for donations made to institutions of the national religion of the country. This arises from the fact that the government wants to encourage wealthy people to take on more of the financial burden of supporting the official religion of the country. This rose, as well, due to lobbying by the clergy that wealthy people and the population, in general, were not adequately fulfilling their religious obligations to provide financial support to religious institutions and charitable organizations and that the funds being expended on frivolous artworks could be better directed towards supporting the religious structures of the country.

This shows that even though the government is trying to tackle money laundering, on the other hand, it must consider its obligations as a theocratic state. As such when examining the policies of the government and the incentives that drive it, it is important to be critical of what policies entail and of the broader context in which those policies arise.

WAPAJEERFIYA LUYAM ALUASHAMILIFIYA NALUDHAKRAHADATH A-DOPAHU
We Celebrate the Unification and Remembrance Day of FPS
Nazraki luqeerifiya amuMakhnifiya muShahishme, amuShahlea muMadi, Anda Isho, Recollection of an Empress - The East Pacific - Tapatalk
Watch the interview of Her Imperial Majesty, the Empress Emerita, Anda Isho, at the link provided.
luTaqarir aNAVORA aluYam aluDhakrahadath.mp4 from The Paxosphere Investigator on Vimeo


YOUNG PEOPLE IN PAX ARE BUILT DIFFERENT
A CASE STUDY OF HOW HISTORY SHAPES WORLDVIEWS

Yadmila Shafik

Young people in the Emberwood Coast are shedding the constraints of gender identity and romantic attraction, indulging in exotic and experimental belief systems and upending capitalist economic dogma. They’re sporting extravagant colours, revealing clothing, unafraid of tattoos and piercings, colorful hair and prone to alternative and loud music.

In contrast, the young people in Packilvania are doubling down on stringent gender roles, championing strict adherence to religious dogma, openly supportive of missionary work and the state-sanctioned use of physical force to quash atheists and apostates. Young people in Pax are sharing the latest trends on head-coverings and full-length robes.

Why are the two so different?

In Packilvania, the Communist Party of Packilvania heavily repressed religion and was responsible for genocide and the use of nuclear weapons against its own citizens. People in the older generation were indoctrinated with a far more loose understanding of Paxism that had adapted under Communist rule be less overtly religious. Older people had come to be less worried about gender roles and so on and older people are simultaneously highly speciest and xenophobic. Old people do not value the old art forms and ways of dress that were serverely threatened by the Communists.

The trauma that the nation experienced under Communist rule, the triumph of monarchy and religion over it and the economic prosperity that has arisen from liberalisation of the economy, has shaped young people to view the relative gender equality, atheism and the stark Socialist aesthetic as being associated with and inextricably linked from a government that was even more cruel and brutal than the one we have today (which is both remarkable and frightening given that Packilvania’s scores on the Freedom in the World Index are appalling).

Although the nation has become more advanced, prosperous and the world in which it exists more closely connected, the reality is that the circumstances and history have shaped the aspirations of young people. Young people in Packilvania aspire to marriage because of the status and stability it brings, the mutual economic support it provides and out of the trauma that teenage pregnancy, wanton physical appetites, fatherless households, and widespread divorce brought under their parents and grandparents during the Communist Party’s rule which included assailing traditional Paxist family values.

Young people in Packilvania also have less access to higher education and white-collar professions than their peers in other countries. Whereas an Emberitian or Volkian might aspire to a post-graduate university qualification and job in consultancy and a modern furnished apartment, a young person in Packilvania might aspire to write their 12th grade examination, get a carpentry apprenticeship, start a shop, become a vehicle mechanic or add machines to his family’s farm. These might seem like trite or even backwards aspirations in a world that is moving full-steam in the direction of global trade, the service economy and gig-work, but the reality is that although Pax’s economy has grown, the base from which it started is far lower than its peers.

Young people in Packilvania are drawn to prayer, regular attendance and participation in religious institutions and to subsequently support its dogma and ideals because it offers a sense community, a place to socialise and explore one’s extracurricular interests and it channels the energy and ideas of young people through missionary work, and service to the community. The reality is that Packilvanian communities in the past did not have many services or forms of entertainment nor did the Communist Party provide space for young people to be involved in the way that the Magisterium of Paxism has. As such, young people in Packilvania are more likely to be religious fundamentalists and literalist interpreters of the Writings of Paxism.

Although there is modern entertainment and media, the heavy censorship, surveillance and restrictions on the formation of politically-inclined groupings like student associations etc., young people in Packilvania do not have the same ready access to information about the outside world and alternative perspectives as their counterparts abroad. Supplemented by state propaganda, young people in Packilvania are more sceptical of foreign ideals and less likely to fall under their influence. Furthermore, the world is growing away from Packilvania is areas such as language, dress, to basic things like telling the time, counting etc., that the outside world feels more alien and hostile than it might to young people from South Hills or FPS.

Young people are also a demographic that the government cannot ignore. This might be surprising in a country where the government seems to ignore all of its citizens. Because most young groupings exist within and express themselves through the lens of Paxism, the government is incentivised to listen to them and has shown more leniency in allowing these groupings to form and express themselves. For instance, female activist Dumila Shabar has been a well-known advocate of the abolition of divorce because of how women often lose their status and wealth in a way that men don’t and she’s part of the Girls for Noi organisation that espouses female submission to religious values while making female hygiene products more widely accessible and women’s health issues less taboo. The government has buckled to this pressure by announcing that they will be receiving public comments for and developing legislation to look at addressing the issue of divorce.

Another young leader, Rubal Jimhadeen, has called for arranged marriages. Young men from Packilvania who move from the countryside to the city struggle to find wives in the city because of differing lifestyles and economic positions. Thus, Rubal has called for parents to take arranged marriages more seriously to give these frustrated young men the traditional and Conservative households and children that they long for. This machismo and self-serving hypermasculine worldview might be troublesome in the Liberal nations but we’re seeing this idea catch on, as dating apps have been developed to link parents and help them advertise their children for marriage.

Young men in Pax who are filled with religious and nationalist zeal, whose work is on the fields and in the factories instead of behind the desk as their Liberal peers, see military duty and combat experience as a dignified and prestigious and masculine outlet for their energy and adventuring spirit. Thus, military action in foreign nations serves the tertiary purpose of relieving them of some of that appetite and helping them excise it. Young people resent their parents for their lax attitude to prayer and conspicuous lack of attendance in religious services. Coupled with the charisma of famous preachers, they are drawn to this adventurist religious nationalist identity.

In conclusion, we in the Liberal democracies often take for granted what a young person desires and is like, but nations like Packilvania (of which we are grateful there are not many), show us how different people can be and how differently they can operate.