Qualifications for Delegacy

University of the East Pacific
1

INTRODUCTION

Our Concordat does not set out many prerequisites to obtaining the delegacy. It is true that, per Article A, Section 2, “The Delegate shall be a Citizen elected for a term of four months by a majority vote of Citizens.” Thus, both Citizenship and Election is necessary – as in any reasonable republic. It is also true that the ability to serve may be taken from an individual as a punishment for an indictable offense, if levied by the Conclave. This has never been used, but it is important to note.

However, otherwise, no legal qualifications exist. Any citizen with a valid nomination (and a second, if self-nominated) may stand for Delegate, and, provided they are elected, they may serve as Delegate. Interestingly, World Assembly Membership is not required, and indeed Viziers may fill the in-game delegacy on behalf of our lawfully elected Delegate. Ergo, it is Concordatially feasible (as there is no dereliction of duty removal mechanism, unlike with Viziers, Arbiters, and Magisters) for a Delegate to rule without being in the World Assembly; in this case it is likely a Vizier will be selected to perform on-site WAD duties as a proxy. But I digress.

As interesting as the legal intricacies of it are, it is not the formal requirements to serve that I intend to discuss. Rather, I wish to lay out the informal requirements pushed by the voters. I.e. What norms have been established, not through law, but through the will of the people, regarding who can and cannot serve as Delegate? This, I believe, will grant insight into how the people of The East Pacific truly view the Delegacy, and what they want out of a Delegate.

Throughout this essay I intend to prove and explain the following five prerequisites, which I believe are informally required for a citizen to be elected as Delegate.

  1. Minister Experience
  2. Foreign Affairs Experience
  3. RP Experience
  4. Support from at least one former Delegate

I also note that despite logical reasoning and fair assumption, the following five prerequisites have not proven very necessary; indeed I shall explain each and why it seems the people of The East Pacific have selectively excluded these potentially term-defining criteria from their unofficial list of requirements.

  1. Military Leadership Experience
  2. Legislative Experience
  3. Vizier Status
  4. Single Citizenship

For ease of research, as the resources available to me only date back so far, and to ensure modern applicability, this essay shall only cover debatably “modern” Delegates and thus modern standards. Therefore, this essay shall only prove these arguments by examining the background and election of Delegates starting from Marrabuk. This neatly covers the past four years exactly, and will include the current Delegate, Merlovich.

I also note that, throughout this essay, I shall use terms such as “required” and “mandatory.” I must clarify that I never use these terms literally. I understand none of these “prerequisites” are truly that. A countercase can destroy my entire thesis with relative ease. Indeed, you will see some interesting countercases throughout my work. However, I find that the use of these terms helps us to understand the strength and prevalence of these informal political norms. Perhaps “politically salient” is a better term, but I’m writing this to avoid my Political Science homework, not copy it.

1 Like
2

MINISTER EXPERIENCE

9/9 (100%) of the elected Delegates within my research time frame have been elected following experience as a Minister in the cabinet of one of their predecessors. While the field in which they serve as Minister wildly changes (although later I will discuss one common, though not absolute trend), the fact remains that every modern Delegate has been a Minister at least once before election. Furthermore, 8/9 (89%) of modern Delegates served as a Minister in the cabinet of the previous Delegate.

Marrabuk was Chief Minister of Foreign Affairs before election. Libertanny was Chief Minister of Foreign Affairs and then Vice-Delegate, which is legally a minister position, within the same term. Zukchiva was “Director” of Public Affairs, which is legally a minister position. The Atlae Isles was Overseeing Officer of the Eastern Pacific Sovereign Army, which is legally a Minister position. Albrook was Minister of Information (and Communications). I, Aivintis, was Chief Minister of Education. Eastern Alksearia was a Minister with podcast authority. Altys had previously been Chief Minister of Regional Affairs. Merlovich was Minister of Outreach.

Even then, 7/9 (78%) had ADDITIONAL minister experience. Marrabuk had been a Chief Minister of Regional Affairs, Libertanny had been a Minister of Design, a Chief Minister of Communications. Zukchiva had been an Acting Chief Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Atlae Isles had been a Minister of Foreign Affairs. I, Aivintis, had been a Chief Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Culture, and Vice-Delegate. Eastern Alksearia had been a “Director” of Public Affairs, which is legally a minister position. Altys had also previously been a Minister of Culture.

These trends show that Minister experience is informally required, but also immediate Minister experience and diverse Minister experience is informally recommended. It is additionally informally recommended to be a Chief Minister, which, although I will not relist examples, as the information is all available above, 6/9 (67%) of modern Delegates were. Note that “Overseeing Officer” is legally a Chief Minister position. Experience with leadership in the modern Executive is an absolute must for the citizens to believe you worthy of the Delegacy. You must be capable of management, and cognizant of the pressing successes and issues of the current government

It’s worth pointing out that the Cabinet Advisor position, which is also legally a minister position, is one that 3/9 (33%) of Delegates have held. This I find an unhelpful statistic for two reasons. (1) Many Delegates were Ministers or Vice-Delegates during terms where they would have otherwise been Cabinet Advisors and (2) Cabinet Advisory positions hold no authority, bear no duties, and lead no staff. Thus, I am comfortable disregarding this as a relevant source of “Minister experience” to consider and as its own category.

3

FOREIGN AFFAIRS EXPERIENCE

9/9 (100%) of modern Delegates have had experience with foreign affairs. This is not just experience in holding ambassadorial positions, under the past system, or in participating within the “FA Watch”, under the current system. The former is largely clerical. The latter is slightly more interesting, but irrelevant to consider, as, I clarify, 9/9 (100%) of modern Delegates have had experience within foreign affairs leadership, as a member of the “Inner Circle” or “FA Council” equivalent.

In addition to this statistic, I note that 5/9 (56%) of modern delegates have held roles as the (Acting) (Chief) Minister of Foreign Affairs. This is over half of modern Delegates. While not holding as strong as patterns such as additional minister experience or chief minister experience, this is of extreme significance when noting that it is the most commonly held former job of modern Delegates. Second place for this category is tied between three positions at only 2/9 (22%) of modern Delegates.

It is no secret that foreign affairs is one of the most politically secure, important, and active spheres of the Executive government. The last adjective there may explain this “requirement” as a merely natural coincidence of the gravity of activity, but I believe it goes deeper than that. Numerous candidates are questioned on matters of Foreign Affairs during elections, after all. I think it goes deeper.

I would go so far as to say foreign affairs experience is the single most important informal requirement of any Delegate. Unlike with most ministries, foreign affairs is not a sphere of governance which a Delegate can shy away from. They are the Head of State of this region. They are contacted by foreign governments and expected by the entire NSGP community to represent their region and its interests. Allies turn to the Delegate to voice their concerns, and push their agendas. The Delegate is the face of the region. They need foreign affairs experience to do this job well, and they need to do this job well to do right by their region.

The Delegate must know our allies. They must know our embassies. They must know our consulates. They must know the conflicts and dramas of NSGP. They must know those which involve us and those which involve our allies and those which are just popular. They must navigate the minefield of foreign affairs with knowledge, a level head, and the support of their FA Council. But they cannot leave it to the Council alone. Even the most hands-off of Delegates played a major role in FA. It is practically unavoidable unless in the case of isolationism, which has not yet been a matter of concern. It is mandatory.

4

ROLEPLAY EXPERIENCE

I find it interesting to note that 8/9 (89%) of modern Delegates have RP experience, given almost all are primarily focused on regional government over all other matters. Of the modern delegates, in fact, only Albrook has never joined Urth or Valsora. This, I will address later in the section. However, all others have. Marrabuk, Libertanny, and Zukchiva were all former RMB RPers, The Atlae Isles was an active Urth RPer. I, Aivintis, was both an RMB and Forum RPer. Eastern Alksearia was on Urth. Altys joined Valsora shortly after the election, but had RPed in Thaecia prior. Merlovich, of course, is a Valsoran.

This, I believe to be no coincidence. The East Pacific is a roleplaying community. As is readily accepted fact, we are not one community, but a loose collection of multiple communities under the banner of common values and identity. The RMB and Urth subcommunities are major parts of The East Pacific. They’re not the biggest chunk of voters, but many do vote, and they certainly have opinions on the government – namely, they want a government which will not interfere with their operations.

Since a little before Fedele’s first term, there has been a divide within this community, between RMB and Forum. The RMBers, having seen moderation failures, attempted government takeovers of their server, and the tendency of certain elites to look down on their subcommunity, have been slow to trust the government. Luckily the strong efforts of Marrabuk and Libertanny in the Second Reconstruction Era to represent that community, incorporate it, and prove goodwill have made great strides, as have moderation reforms and political reforms, a notable example of the latter being East Malaysia’s universal citizenship amendment.

Marrabuk and Libertanny were former RMBers, though, and therein lies the secret. The only way relations with the RMB was improved was by them seeing their own members in high office and by them seeing those officials not forget them. In the Forum RP, there is less controversy, but they, too, can be wary of government encroachment. When I was elected Delegate, one of the first questions I was asked was in the Urth server, where a member was wondering if I would be doing anything that would affect Urth at all; even after I was a two-year member of that community.

The only way this gap was bridged was by roleplayers taking the reins. For the community to unify, it needs unifying figures. People who understand the concerns and struggles of the subcommunities they’re supposed to govern. People who know the voters and even those members of the community who don’t bother voting. People who are committed to TEP’s entire community, including all parts. Furthermore, being a roleplayer is a way for someone to understand TEP’s culture and unalignment. We are worldbuilders, writers, and chatters before we are GPers. We’re a community before we’re a government. Of course we’ll only elect Delegates who understand that.

Why was Albrook elected then? Simple. Perhaps it’s that understanding, not roleplay experience, that is a prerequisite. However, roleplay experience is the easiest way to accomplish that, and the easiest to measure. How did Albrook embody our culture in this way? She’s from The Glorious Nations of Iwaku, a region which has little government but a huge community of chatters. She comes from a similar community which is something else before it is a force of NSGP. It was not difficult to translate that here when she began to integrate herself into our community. So we can safely say that 9/9 (100%) of modern Delegates put our community before politics. Tangentially, I believe this is why raiders and defenders holding our Delegacy maintain unalignment.

5

SUPPORT FROM FORMER DELEGATES

The East Pacific is a democracy, not an oligarchy. That said, every regional government within NationStates has a degree of oligarchic rule. There is the case to be made that oligarchy can be democratic, simply because “oligarchy” means “rule by the few.” Of course, this is not what anyone means when calling a government oligarchic. They mean that a selective, elite few rule without consulting the governed or caring for their popular assent. The East Pacific, in this way, is not an oligarchy.

That said, the small nature of The East Pacific’s government leaves a select few with much power. Certainly not a selective group, nor an elite one. Certainly not without consulting the governed and certainly not without caring for their popular assent. If it was described as an oligarchy, it could be technically correct, but an oligarchy which anyone could reasonably join is better called a democracy, anyway, no matter what institutions are in place. And I do note that institutions are in place which keep this oligarchic nature from ever becoming exclusive, if the few with power ever desired it.

That said, the will of the people and the will of prominent politicians, especially former Delegates, often coincides. In part, this could largely be the result of a small politically active citizenry, wherein many active voters tend to hold high positions. Indeed the past three Delegates both continue to serve in a leadership capacity within the current Delegate’s cabinet, and cast a vote in the last election. It could also simply be a coincidence – former Delegates are citizens, and so the will of the people would sometimes align with the will of individual people, regardless of political status.

I believe both these explanations are valid and applicable in this case, but I also propose a third explanation which supplements these two - voters who are uninvolved in Executive leadership tend to look to current and former Executive leaders as signposts for who the active, dedicated, experienced, and trustworthy candidates truly are. Indeed, I believe a separate paper analyzing the “follow the leader” effects of voting (I would not go so far as to call them “Lemmings” given the lack of really negative consequences) could be in order to provide the evidence behind this, but for now, I believe a simple overview of elections shows that this is certainly a possibility.

Although the election of Marrabuk was a unique situation where his direct predecessor was engaging in acts of treason and high treason against the government, we still see previous delegates supporting Marrabuk’s candidacy, specifically older Delegates. By my count and notes, 9/9 (100%) of post-coup Delegates received support from former delegates in their first election. Re-elections are disregarded largely because (a) the individual has already become Delegate and (b) the incumbency advantage, which I discuss in a different essay, likely has a stronger influence than others.

Interestingly, however, we don’t see consensus among former Delegates. Again disregarding how the specific circumstances of Marrabuk’s election influenced his predecessor’s vote for his competitor, we see 7/8 (87.5%) of other post-coup Delegates were voted against by at least one former Delegate. Curiously, I am the only Delegate who received the votes of all former Delegates who voted in my election. Although it takes great effort to do so, I will refrain from using this knowledge to assert my superiority and instead discuss how strange it must seem for opposition from former delegates to be almost as prevalent as support from former delegates.

But of course we don’t see consensus. Despite the Pax memes, The East Pacific is not a hivemind, and of course our former Delegates are bound to disagree. Of course not all former Delegates are going to vote for the person who wins. Even in a relatively small community, the odds of that are low. However, we do see in the case of every postcoup Delegate – and I’m sure this trend has basis in the pre-coup era as well, given Fedele’s endorsement by his own predecessor – that at least one former Delegate, often two or more, vote for the winner.

This trend, and my presentation thereof, may be misleading. Of course, as Mark Twain put it, “There’s lies, damned lies, and statistics.” Do I think this data means you NEED the support of the ELITES to even CONSIDER being elected in this SHAM OF A DEMOCRACY? No. Of course it doesn’t mean that. But I do think that, if you haven’t convinced any of the former Delegates, which are sometimes among the most active voting citizens, then you’ve likely not convinced the people of TEP.

In some ways, I do think the support of a former Delegate influences the support of the masses, but predominantly the support of a former Delegate is no more than the support of an expert. It is the support of someone who knows what the job is, how hard it is, someone who knows the political environment. If someone who knows how hard the job is thinks you can do it, then you can probably do it. It means your campaign is more than political theory, it’s solid political strategy. It means the people who put their blood, sweat, and tears into the region think you’d be good for it.

Do I think this can still be an issue? An unintentional subversion of our democracy? Emphatically, no. There is no provision that enables this, and no provision to address it which would not be undemocratic, except perhaps secret ballots, which I personally find unfeasible due to complexity and security concerns. If we try to “fix” this, we will only wound the system in a different way. And again, I don’t believe this is a bad thing. Former Delegates are citizens, and citizens are entitled to cast their votes as they wish.

It doesn’t even fundamentally alter our democracy. I noted that not all voting former Delegates support the winning horse, but to expand on that, on every close race we’ve had – Libertanny and Zukchiva in June 2020, The Atlae Isles and New Leganes in June 2021, Altys and East Malaysia in February 2023, and Merlovich and Dremaur in October 2023 – both of the two main competitors had support from at least one former delegate. The individuality and differing political beliefs of former Delegates are clearly enough to prevent subversion by some elusive, evil “former Delegate voting bloc”.

In fact, if we consider what this means, more, we note that both candidates received the expert vote of confidence that acts as an assurance to the often hasty or impassioned citizenry that their favorite for the office has what it takes. That, to me, is the ultimate relief. It means that there hasn’t been a close race in post-coup TEP where an unqualified candidate was close to achieving the Delegacy. It’s an assurance that our region is in good hands. It’s a security mechanism in and of itself – if ever a candidate who isn’t ready for the stresses of the Delegacy has popular support, the lack of support from former Delegates could prevent that majority – either due to the low number of voters anyway, or due to the “follow the leader” effect.

I confidently put the support from former delegates as a mandatory “prerequisite” for election, not because of elitist oligarchic string pulling or because of any failure of democracy, but because the goalpost of any delegate hopeful should be to convince the former delegates, those experts on the position. It’s harder to convince a former Delegate than any other given voter, statistically speaking, and so aiming to get support from the Delegate is somewhat comparable to aiming to get support from the hardest-won supporter. If your vision and your dedication and your experience wins the support of at least one former Delegate, then it’s not just a sign that you have a better chance of winning, but that you have a better chance of doing a good job if you do.

6

NON-PREREQUISITES

In my intro, I listed four items which, though one might think would be important qualifications to have, are proven by history to be largely unnecessary as even informally enforced prerequisites to being elected as Delegate. Unlike with the prerequisites themselves, I do not intend to devote entire sections to each of these, but will make one section discussing each of them. As such, I intend for a shorter overview of each – I don’t have to prove them or defend my claims, just point out enough examples to prove they’re not overly important and then explain why that might be.

First of all is military leadership experience. While it is true that the Delegate is the highest ranking military officer of the Eastern Pacific Sovereign Army, and oversees its leadership, rarely is military experience mentioned in campaigns or brought up in elections. In fact, of all the post-coup delegates, only Marrabuk, The Atlae Isles, and Altys were military commanders. That’s only 3/9 (33.3%). Even if you expand the field to military experience in general, only Zukchiva, Eastern Alksearia, and I participated in regular updates and held rank. This means 6/9 (66.7%) were soldiers. It’s somewhat suggestive of a trend, but not a prerequisite. Given the strong demand for FA experience, why is there none for EPSA experience?

The causes of this are somewhat simple to predict. TEP, notably, is an unaligned region with a relatively small military. Unlike regions like 10000 Islands, the Constitution of which requires their Delegate to have military experience, our identity is not tied to our military operations or alignment. We field small numbers of updaters more often than not, and, ultimately, big operations don’t define our government’s success. We don’t project power. We don’t enforce ideology. Military is not as important to our regional culture or governance. It’s an important service to fill, and we are never without EPSA leadership, but, in a reversal of the FA section, even the most hands-on of Delegates can be very hands-off in matters of EPSA.

Second of all is legislative experience. Although some Delegates, such as Zukchiva, have been prolific legislators, this hasn’t proven a very important factor. In the October 2023 elections, Merlovich won the election over Dremaur, when the former had never held Magister status and the latter was a member of our legislature from 2015-2017 and more recently from 2021 to the present day. However, looking more closely at statistics, we can see that 6/9 (66.7%) were Magisters, but only 3/9 (33.3%) were Provosts or Deputy Provosts. Even so, legislation submitted by most of the members of this group is generally lacking. In this respect, the separation of powers between Executive and Legislative seem culturally effective.

In a post-coup political society, one might think that Vizier status, membership in our regional security branch, would be a significant determinant in the selection of a Delegate. Security in the Delegacy after a Delegate attempted to overthrow our regional government would seem desirable. However, only 4/9 (44.4%) of Delegates were elected from Vizierdom or after Vizierdom. Even so, only 1/9 (11.1%) returned to their Vizierdom after the end of their term. Furthermore, an extra Delegate, Marrabuk, was confirmed as a Vizier not before, but after their term. Ergo, it held no bearing on their election. If you think about it, these low numbers aren’t too surprising. Fedele was a Vizier before he was elected, and he still attempted a coup. The same vigor we apply to Viziers could also easily apply to Delegates. Foreign connections may be questioned, for example. Vizierdom is not the sole determinant of trust, and thus it’s not a salient “prerequisite.”

Those same foreign connections, however, may not sink a delegacy as, by my count, only 3/9 (33.3%) of elected Delegates held only one citizenship – within The East Pacific. Libertanny maintained Pacifican citizenship through his Delegacy. Zukchiva stepped back from the Union of Democratic States, but had those connections, and stepped towards them again afterwards. Albrook and Altys were foreigners – in the Alstroemerian Commonwealths and Thaecia, respectively – far before their East Pacifican citizenship. Eastern Alksearia held Thaecian citizenship as well. I, Aivintis, remained a Presidential Advisor and Chief Justice in The Free Nations Region during my Delegacy. Before it, I held citizenship in 10000 Islands, the South Pacific, The Union of Democratic States, Warzone Africa, The Social Technocratic Union, and more.

Why are foreign connections not a dealbreaker when it comes to The East Pacific’s election of Delegates? Fedele and all his cabalists were foreigners before they were East Pacificans, especially in Lone Wolves United, yet, when their crasher ideology sought to bring down our government, TEP didn’t begin to turn away foreigners. Many foreigners indeed are elevated to Ministers immediately, from Altys in the Libertanny administration to Gemeinschaftsland in the Merlovich administration and probably a dozen appointments in between. Shouldn’t an existential threat against our region spike anti-cosmopolitan regionalism? Why didn’t it?

There may be a couple answers to this – without a survey or further data, I do not present myself as an expert on this, but I hope my personal experience and some common sense could add some valuable discourse on this matter.

For one, the coup d’etat was only defeated with the overwhelming support of our allies. 10000 Islands, the South Pacific, The North Pacific, and more immediately deployed their military units in support of our legitimate government. Following the coup, these relations and more were strengthened in a veritable renaissance of foreign affairs. Following the coup, more of the world was our friend than our enemy. Many of these relations were practical and security-minded, something being challenged in modern times, but the camaraderie is certainly there, and the cultural ties are undeniable. Of course we’ll accept friends into our region. Of course we’ll accept our regionmates joining our friends.

Another factor which might contribute to this is TEP’s unalignment. In regions like The League & Concord or The Brotherhood of Malice, there’s a pretty solid line separating most of NSGP. There’s “raiders” and “defenders”. Crossing the lines, if it happens, is an event of note. Twobagger. East Chimore. In TEP, within our in-between of blurred lines and relations with both sides, there is no wall. We’re more willing to accept other regional connections, because we’re not locked in an eternal war between ourselves and a faction encompassing many other regions. Eastern Alksearia is active in raider regions. Zukchiva and I, in defender regions.

Finally, TEP is a region which prides itself as a community of second chances. Even following the Empire coup, DFD, an invader who stayed, was elected to the Delegacy. Lone Wolves United has an embassy with us. Fedele even participated in a tag raid with the Eastern Pacific Sovereign Army following the coup d’etat, which led to more controversy outside of the region than within it. A mean old man was the bane of many GCRs in his day, but TEP accepted him into our regional security branch anyway. That is not to say we forgive easily, but we do forgive, and we easily extend olive branches.

7

CONCLUSION

So here’s how you become the Delegate. Speedrun, any%, glitchless. Start by becoming a Minister. It’s easy. We have two openings right now. We’ll have many more in the future. Look for the announcements. “WE ARE HIRING,” they say. That’s your first step. Take a leadership role, and work for the betterment of TEP. Eventually, your promise will be recognized. That’s when you join foreign affairs.

You can start by talking in the Watch, the discussion channel which comprises our FA staff, but it won’t be long before you’re added to the Council. Form opinions and share them. They don’t have to be the same as anyone else’s. We like debates. We’re political nerds, here, after all. Learn all the acronyms and all the regions. Develop experience not just leading, but maintaining diplomacy. If you want – it’s common enough – take the reins as the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Then join the roleplay. Or you could do that first. There’s no specific order this needs to go in. Decide whether to join Valsora or Urth. I’d recommend both, but some people don’t have the time. Build a cool nation. Collaborate with other roleplayers. Write some things. Explore some character arcs, some big events. Make a news organization in Urth. Start a globe-spanning war in Valsora. Go nuts. Learn the people. Learn the community. Learn what TEP is all about. Integrate yourself as a member of the community, and value that community far more than you value the government. The community should come first.

Finally, make your campaign, and get ready for the vote. Your aim is to convince the former Delegates of The East Pacific that you would be a good option. To that end, give a good argument. Once you have the Delegates on your side – not because you’re an evil cabalist elite, but because you’d be a good fit for the region – you are ready to serve as the Delegate of The East Pacific.

That’s all it takes. Doesn’t that seem obvious, in hindsight? To be a Delegate, be a good fit and be a good candidate. All of this, really, is just stripping that down to its most basic components. How do you be a good fit? Understand our culture. How do you understand our culture? Be a roleplayer, or otherwise integrate yourself into the apolitical community. How do you be a good candidate? Have leadership experience, preferably in the Executive (How? Be a Minister!), have foreign affairs experience. Finally, make an argument good enough to convince a former Delegate.

1 Like
8

ADDENDUM

Another thing to consider – and my thanks to Vussul for pointing out the importance of this particular point – is the character of the potential Delegate. As mentioned in the Conclusion, it’s not too difficult to become a Minister or to win the support of a former Delegate or two. Anyone with promise and direction can make it. There are a few other important qualities to have, though.

Time and energy is a crucial resource. Marrabuk has described the Delegacy as a part-time job of sorts, and many Delegates have agreed. It requires a lot of time and energy to be able to manage an entire regional government, especially a feeder. But moreover, it takes time and energy to build the experience that serves as a prerequisite. It’s not as simple as getting appointed a Minister and then running. Leadership experience requires something be done. Something being done requires precious time and energy.

The second most important quality is ambition. You must have the drive to seize the opportunities before you. Apply for Minister positions. Join the FA Watch. Join other executive ministries, or even pursue non-qualifications like Vizier status and legislative experience. You need to desire to advance and you need to work hard to do it. I’ve always said that ambition and activity beget experience, and that is never more true than in these prerequisites.

The third is imagination. Now, this may not be quite necessary if you are executing other people’s ideas, but for a good campaign which convinces the former Delegate voting bloc, you need to have a strong vision of the future, and you need to be able to create your own projects to bring to fruition. If our region is to advance, our leaders must be willing to see the future, and sell it to the people in the election season. This is what a Delegate campaign really is. Sometimes, they discuss qualifications – often bringing up some discussed here – but the majority is this. Imagination. Vision.

These three qualities are important for our leaders to nurture in themselves and others. They are the fuel by which the East Pacifican government survives. In the context of this work, they are also important to secure the prerequisites to being elected a Delegate. Sometimes, circumstances beyond our control remove some of these from the table, and that’s okay, but when all three are concentrated in a single individual, we can see the creation of a very good Delegate indeed.