The Caliph, the Sultan, the Emperor

This is part 6 of a series that consists of the following:
A Tiger and a Gem (Part 5), The Crowning Moment (Part 4), His Enlightened Reign (Part 3), A Bingolian Invitation (Part 2), and Better the Devil You Know (Part 1)

Introduction and Recap

Prince Lohadek was the Minister of State Security of Packilvania. He was responsible for overseeing the intelligence agencies and policies of the country. In that process, he had overseen the biggest expansion of camera and internet surveillance in the country’s history (rivalling the scope and scale under the Packilvanian Communist Party) and the systemic infiltration of the military, state militia, and local and provincial governments by intelligence agents while pitting these agents against each other to ensure the balance of power under the Bedonite dynasty. His devotion and competency kept him in favour with Sultan Namdun III. However, it was his rapport, and diligently and hard-won trust with then-Crown Prince Thumim V that was his focus.

With the then-second-in-line Prince Abuyin being a secret homosexual due to his relationship with Jasper Ray, a non-binary politician from the Kohatu Isles, the line of succession and the future of the family were under threat. Prince Lohadek hoped to manage this relationship by having Jasper Ray arrested by Oan authorities and tried for corruption for a business venture they helped start with Prince Abuyin. Unfortunately for Prince Lohadek, Prince Abuyin exposed himself to Prince Kujil, the then-Governor of Kemer and a member of an association of likeminded politicians called the Club (luFerayn). Prince Lohadek was powerless to stop him from telling the others, who against Prince Lohadek’s desires wanted something done about it.

According to Packilvanian secular law and religious law, “intimate relations between people of the same assigned gender were prohibited” with Packilvania taking the stance that capital punishment was the only fitting punishment. This crime was such an affrontery to the conservative authorities and views that governed the country, that not even a Prince could escape it. With the monarchy of Allegheny having fallen as a direct result of public outcry over the Alleghenian King’s choice of romantic partners, the Bedonite dynasty was not in the mood to test the public so as far as luFerayn was concerned, there was no world in which Prince Abuyin nor the family could escape this disaster while he was still alive.

It was apparent from his lack of self-control in practically confessing to Prince Kujil, that he could not be trusted to restrain himself. Frankly, if Prince Thumim became Sultan, he would not protect his brother and this scandal could jeopardise his reign before it began and even threaten the survival of the monarchy. So the club decided in order to spare Prince Abuyin the humiliation of being outed and to protect the family, he could no longer be permitted to live. So, luFerayn, set to work the elaborate plan that would culminate in the attempted assassination during the visit of the United Malordian president, laid the foundations of Prince Thumim convincing Namdun III to abdicate, and set in motion the schism of the dynasty into factions.

With the dominoes falling, seemingly uncontrollably, the gang of five people that was luFerayn had triggered changes in a country of over a billion people, that they would not have predicted in their wildest nightmares.

1 Like

The End of Prince Kujil
Bingol Royal Palace, Bingol, Packilvania
15 April 2024

Sultan Thumim V was a gentleman. Despite his reputation as a tyrant, he was rarely vulgar. But as he sat across Prince Lohadek in his study, he felt irritated at his report.

“Prince Lohadek”, Thumim said, “I am getting irritated that after a year of having Prince Kujil in custody and investigating, you have not found out who’s conspiring to kill me”.

“Sir”, Lohadek replied, “He acted alone. Perhaps you underestimate him. There is no evidence that Prince Kujil had any assistance. We have used all the methods at our disposal. It is time to end this and have him executed and bury this awful nightmare that’s haunted us for over a year”.

“Prince Lohadek, do not hide anything from me”, Thumim said.

“Sir, you and I have been back and forth about this matter. You took him from my care and asked the police to question him and they failed to get accomplices, then to the military police and the same thing. You gave him back to me because they all failed and even as we questioned him, again, the answer is the same”, Lohadek said.

“My Caliph”, Lohadek said, kowtowing before Thumim, “Let us end this. I beg you”.

Thumim, on his couch, asked Lohadek to stand up, “Alright, cousin. You may stand”. He walked to his desk and signed the order that Lohadek had brought him months ago to allow the Imperial Procuratorate to proceed with the treason trial against Prince Kujil".

Prince Lohadek took the order, “You will not regret this, my sovereign. May your reign be long, and your light shine over us all”.

Lohadek left Thumim. He instructed his secretary to get the trial moving quickly; he wanted Kujil dead by the end of the week so he could bury his failure, closing this chapter as soon as possible.

1 Like

Freedom International vs The Oan Isles Trial
Andel, Axdel
17 April 2024

Itahana o te Kuanuka, known simply by his first name, was a well-known advocate (or barrister) from the Oan Isles who through an enviable ability to absorb and remember the law and track record in Auroran law had led Freedom International’s chairperson Rutger Nolan to approach him.

He had never imagined that he’d be presenting cases against the government of his home country before the highest court in Aurora. Yet as Rutger handed him the contract governing their relationship and officially appointed him as their Chief Counsel on a landmark case over a year ago, the reality of his role dawned on him. He spent 2023 preparing a case against the Oan government and working with an international team of attorneys (solicitors).

Today, he stood in the glass and concrete building in Andel that served as the seat of the Auroran Court of Justice. Wearing his black robe and a business suit, he presented his open arguments to the pretrial application which was presided over by a single judge. Embarrassed and surprised by the case that Freedom International requested, the Oan government had been court flat-footed and scrambling to prevent this case from getting to trial.

Fortunately, for Itahana, he didn’t have to prove the merits of the case, just that the trial was worth looking into.

So he began: “Your Worship, per article G point 13 of the Charter of the UNAC, we have lawfully submitted our complaint to the Office of the Court Sheriff who has approved it. We have under Article B point 2 the right to a fair trial before a court of law and are thus entitled to approach the Auroran Court of Justice where we feel our government has not adequately protected our interests as citizens of the UNAC”.

He continued, “In keeping with the Standing Orders of the ACJ, we sought remedies through the judicial system of the Oan Isles according to its laws but we are not satisfied that our rights have been protected. Please find the case numbers in the docket”.

“We bring this matter to the court because we believe that the government of the Pan Isles has violated Articles B point 2, point 7 and point 10 which are the rights to a fair trial, protection from cruel and unusual punishment, and to life. These rights could be violated by the Extradition Treaty of the Oan Isles and Packilvania which was naturalised into Oan law by the Packilvanian Extradition Act”.

“This law allows Oan citizens to be sent to Packilvania for trial and for their sentences to be carried out in that country for certain charges such as treason and murder. This subjects our citizens to potential abuse of their rights for the reason in the application enclosed herewith. So, we approach the court to strike down the treaty which it has the right to do in terms of Article G point 34”.

2 Likes

Freedom International vs The Oan Isles Pre-Trial (Oan government response)
17 April 2024
Andel, Axdel

Although the Oan government did not have long to prepare their response, they enlisted barrister Titamua ko Taiwhatiha as Chief Counsel and a team of attorneys from the best universities and law firms in the Oan Isles. Titamua got his silks several years ago and was accustomed to legal jousts in the Oan Supreme Court and the ACJ.

He had a habit of fixing his wig before presenting his arguments even when his wig did not need to be fixed. It was how he quietly announced his entrance. After Itahana presented his opening argument, the judge asked Titamua to stand.

He said, “Your Worship, is the respected opposing counsel presenting his party’s complaints to the Oan and Pan governments? I suspect the Pan Isles are not a member state of this court. Insofar as the matters concerning the Oan Isles, we see the following”.

He fixed his wig again and stated, “We agree with the complainant that the Sultanate of Packilvania is notoriously corrupt, inept and illiberal, known for imposing inhumane treatment onto its citizens and those of other nations. Before this treaty, our citizens were exposed to the caprice of its judicial and criminal justice system. This treaty aims to protect the rights of our citizens as much as possible. We admit that the treaty is imperfect. Our government is trying to improve the treaty’s conditions through negotiations with the Packilvanian regime. However, it is the best protection that they have”.

“Forcing the Oan crown to rescind the treaty and renegotiate with the Sultan of Packilvania as the complainant suggests will expose our citizens to danger and we will be perceived as an unreliable global partner. Thus, we believe it is not in the interest of justice or sapient rights of our citizens to renege on our obligations”.

“In conclusion, we ask this august court to dismiss this matter with costs”.

2 Likes

Freedom International vs the Oan Isles (pretrial judge’s response)
17 April 2024
Andel, Axdel

The judge responded, “Thank you, gentlemen. I will review your arguments and submissions and come to you with a decision on the 22nd of April, 2024”. The session ended and Itahana and Titamua left the court with their respective teams.

Conversation between Lohadek and the Imperial Procurator
18 April 2024
Bingol, Packilvania

On 16 April, Prince Lohadek’s secretary submitted the Sultan’s order to resume the trial process for Prince Kujil to the Bingol Imperial Procuratorate. The secretary added that Prince Lohadek wanted the case to be completed by the end of the week.

The Imperial Procuratorate wrote back on the 18th, that since the Sultan’s order does not explicitly prescribe a time scale, it will decide the appropriate time and date to present the case. It added that it needs time to review the evidence and schedule a date with the court which may take longer than he wanted. Worst of all, they stated that it was executive overreach for the Minister of State Security to prescribe how the Imperial Procuratorate should perform its functions and that if he attempted to pressure them any further, they would take legal action against him.

When Prince Lohadek received this information, he was seething. He remained fairly well-composed but it was obvious that he was angry and offended.

“Sir, shall I bring you water”, Yareel, his secretary, asked him.

“Thank you, Yareel. I appreciate that, but no”, Lohadek replied, “Please get the Director of the Bingol Imperial Procuratorate”.

“Yes, sir”, Yareel replied.

After the phone rang for a few seconds, the voice of Director Thurkhad Furdahan came from the speaker, “Ashamiliya, Your Imperial Highness”.

“Ashamiliya, Director”, Prince Lohadek replied, “I received a response from your office that the case may not be presented and completed by the end of the week as I have asked you. Why is this?”

“Sir, firstly, there are practical limitations as we have cited, but the fact is that the independence of the Imperial Procuratorate is protected by the Constitution which explicitly states that unlawful interference with its work is illegal”, Thurkhad said calmly, “We warned you in the letter that we will not accept undue pressure from the executive branch”.

Prince Lohadek replied, “You are civil servants and employed by this government. I command you to start the case now! I am your superior and in terms of the law, I have the power to have cases brought of significant national security”.

Thurkhad replied, “That may be true, but firstly the order came from the Sultan and not you. Secondly, you have no authority to prescribe how and when we do our work. You have violated the law by asking me this question, and I am now forced to confer with my team about how we proceed”.

Before Prince Lohadek could continue, Thurkhad interjected, “That’s enough, Minister! This conversation is over. Ashamiliya”.

The call ended, and another fight was about to ensue.

1 Like

Challenging the Executive Branch
19 April 2024
Bingol, Packilvania

One thing that Thurkad knew about the executive branch was that a single red flag was enough. When his call with Lohadek ended, he rang the National Director of the Imperial Procuratorate to inform him of what Prince Lohadek asked him to do.

The National Director, Likhyam Najdim was not unfamiliar with the executive branch’s attempts to interfere in their work. He had worked for years to stave off their intrusion. He found himself purging and even arresting procurators. Some were friends and years-long colleagues. However, flaws could not be accepted if the Imperial Procuratorate is to function properly and bring justice to an otherwise unjust society.

Several minutes after Thurkad’s report, he issued a memorandum to all the employees. He instructed that all communications with the Department of State Security were to first go through the Office of the Director at each level of the organisation. He then stated that procurators were not allowed to go alone when meeting State Security agents.

He then issued a formal complaint against Prince Lohadek to Sultan Thumim citing the call to Provincial Director Thurkhad, and he opened a case against the Department of State Security in the Bingol High Court.

Within two hours, the Imperial Procuratorate closed ranks and kicked up a dust storm of proportions that Prince Lohadek could not have imagined. He got a call from the Sultan’s office demanding he attend an emergency meeting of the Cabinet.

“Prince Lohadek!” Thumim yelled sitting at the head of a table surrounded by the rest of the Council of Ministers, “Explain yourself!”

“Sir”, Lohadek said. He was taken aback but Thumim’s tone and expression. He seemed properly angry not just his usual sternness. “I was simply urging that the Director treat this matter as urgent and important given it is a matter of national priority as it involves our beloved Sultan”.

“I will say this once”, Thumim said, “Unlawful interference in the work of the Imperial Procuratorate is forbidden! This entire debacle is a public embarrassment! This is your first and final warning Prince Lohadek! That is all, you are all dismissed”.

And so the ministers got up and mumbled “Ashamiliya” as they made their way out.

2 Likes

Preparing the Case Against Prince Kujil
Bingol, Packilvania
21 April 2024

The procurator in charge of Prince Kujil’s case was Jarneem Iltamin. Born in Qadash Kebir to a working-class family, he acquired a Bachelor of Laws at the University of Qadash Kebir. Having formed a relationship with Procurator Mukhtan Alduwab, he became his apprentice. After a failed first attempt, he passed his procuratorial exam and became a procurator in 1996. Known to be competent and ethical, he was surprisingly lighthearted for a procurator. Although notorious for staying later than most, he was a loving husband and father.

With a case as important as the attempted assassination of the Sultan of Packilvania, he was appointed as the Lead Procurator, helming a dedicated task force of procurators and apprentices. When the team was formed, he was placed in the Office of the National Director, reporting directly to Likhyam Najdim.

Given abundant resources, his team collected samples, gathered and questioned witnesses, reviewed hours of footage, checked travel logs, and examined documents. All paths lead to Prince Kujil, the former Governor of Kemer. Kujil hired Ismos, a former intelligence and army officer turned private contractor, who assembled a team of four assassins. He procured a bomb and acquired the procession schedule and route for Sultan Thumim V during the United Malordian president’s state visit. The victim of Sultan Thumim’s anti-corruption purges, he had a motive.

But the case had a gaping hole. Jasper Ray was a politician from a small Auroran country who helped him plan and organise the conspiracy. The State Security Agency detained and interrogated them without procuratorial involvement and presented a signed statement where Jasper claimed to be radicalised by Prince Kujil on visits to the Free Pax States, using them their political opposition to totalitarianism and queerphobia, values that Sultan Thumim V espoused. The Imperial Procuratorate tried to interrogate them themselves or via law enforcement, but the SSA was unmoving—their attempts to get court orders to force the SSA to comply failed. They had to be satisfied with a dubious statement and present it to the judge as fact.

As a procurator, his job was to present cases to the courts, not to interpret the facts or make recommendations on national security. Nevertheless, it was obvious that the SSA was hiding something and it would be remiss of him to let it slide. Much to Prince Lohadek’s chagrin, Jarneem was going to appeal to the Supreme Court to grant the court order to allow the Imperial Procuratorate to question Jasper.

1 Like

Appeal to the Supreme Court of Justice of Packilvania
15 May 2024

Appealing to the Supreme Court was a doubled edged sword. As the highest court in the country, its decisions could not be appealed and its word was binding and final on all other bodies of the government. If the appeal was successful, Jarneem Iltamin would be able to force the State Security Agency to surrender Jasper Ray to his custody for questioning. If it failed, the powers of the Imperial Procuratorate and the Judiciary to force the SSA to give them physical access to witnesses would be significantly circumscribed.

The Supreme Court was nominally independent but because it was formally appointed by the Sultan, it was difficult to gauge the extent to which he had influence over its decisions. It was unclear whether the Sultan had a vested interest in the case, thus Iltamin was not sure if any undue influence would be exerted on the court. Under the previous Chief Justice, Prince Radeeq, the Supreme Court had resisted the old Sultan Namdun III, however the incumbent Chief Justice Farmahad Wasoon had been instrumental in preventing Prince Elam and the government of Mekedesh from opposing the reigning Sultan’s wedding and coronation and could be construed as his ally. Despite Packilvania’s reputation abroad, justice did exist to some extent and it was not always obvious which way the court would decide. Thus, as far as Iltamin was concerned, this case was worth pursuing.

After three to four weeks of preparation he stood before the assembled bench of the Supreme Court which had declined to receive the appeal on an urgent basis when he originally came to them on 24 April 2024. Nevertheless, they issued an interim order for the SSA to (a) provide proof of life and (b) to keep Jasper Ray at his current known location.

“Esteemed Chief Justice and Justices of the Supreme Court, the matter before you affects the ability of the judicial branch to stave off the excesses of the executive branch, and to uphold the distribution of power between the branches as envisaged by the Consistution”, Iltamin said, as he began his opening argument, “As the inquisitorial arm of the Judicial branch, the Imperial Procuratorate must be able to demand that the executive branch be compelled to give not only access to but full custody of witnesses. In this matter, the executive branch is represented by the Department of State Security, the respondent to this case”.

“The respondent has invoked the Protection of State Secrets Act to prevent the Imperial Procuratorate from having custody over the witness in the case concerning Prince Kujil, Jasper Ray. We believe that sections of the heretofore mentioned statute must be considered unconstitutional. As an intelligence agency, statements extracted by the SSA do not have the same binding force as statements presented by the law enforcement agencies as contemplated by the State Security Act and the Policing Act”. Drinking a sip from his glass of water, he continued.

“Secondly, it would be a violation of Prince Kujil’s right to a fair trial as a citizen, if the Imperial Procuratorate did not have access to all the information and resources required to administer a fair and just prosecution of his case. As such, we need a binding statement from the witness which only a qualified law enforcement body can take so that the Imperial Procuratorate can present it as valid evidence. Statements from the SSA are meant as intelligence for the executive branch not as witness testimony for judicial matters as was determined in the case the Irkhad v the Director of Imperial Prosecutions in 2006”.

“Furthermore, the Imperial Procuratorate requires ready access to the witness so that over and above his written statement, he can be cross examined by a judge in a court of law, bound by oath, to extract further insight from an enforceable testimony. We therefore request that the court, (a) overturn the decision of the Bingol High Court allowing the State Security Agency to keep Jasper Ray in its custody, and (b) to strike the provisions of the State Secrets Act allowing the executive branch to keep witnesses from the judiciary under the guise of state security”.

Chief Justice, Farmahad Wasoon, presiding over the case, replied, “Thank you, Procurator Iltamin. I grant the floor to the Senior Counsel for the Department of State Security, Abimelek Mustikhar”.

(Written with Oan)

Als Kholynger, Mekedesh Province
May 2024

There is a thunder in the east.

The sound of hooves pounding against the hard-packed earth echo through the stillness of the Packilvanian countryside, a rhythmic, thunderous beat that matched Saga’s own heart. Altansalkhi’s powerful legs stretched out with each stride, devouring the earth beneath her. Wind and dust whip back against Saga’s face as she leans forward, blurring the world into a mosaic of colours - trees and bushes rushing past, their green leaves clashing against the golden haze that arose in their wake.

Up ahead, a lone figure waves, and Saga gently shifts her weight to ease the horse back, gradually slowing their pace. The gallop turns to a canter, then a trot, and finally a walk. Altansalkhi’s sides heave with exertion, her breath coming in steady, powerful gusts. Saga grins and coughs, before reaching down and patting the beast’s neck.

”Amarkhan, khatagtai mini. Amarkhan,” she murmurs soothingly.

The sun hangs low in the sky now, casting long shadows and flashing off the Älemsi Golden’s metallic coat. Its warmth was broken only by a cool breeze that rustles the leaves of the surrounding trees. Saga takes a deep breath, and tastes the scent of pine and earth, now mixed with the faint tang of sweat and leather.

“You are slouching too much,” Jochi rumbles. The towering Burimi man walks up the path to her.

“I am,” Saga chuckles in agreement, “Because I am old.” Gravel crunches under her boots as she dismounts, and stretches her arms with a groan. “I will admit, I am feeling a little cheated. Everyone said age would bring wisdom.”

It had taken no small amount of persuasion to convince her old aide to join her out here, at the far side of the globe. Persuasion and compensation. But Jochi was worth every word, and every Krona. There were good, reliable people at the Sultana’s Palace. But she needed one of her own, one she had relied on for years. And here, at Als Kholynger, a place of her own as well.

The estate had once belonged to Prince Elam of Mekedesh. The former Prince Elam of Mekedesh, that was. Saga found it difficult to hate someone she had never met, but the old prince would forever be an exception. There had been a special sort of helplessness in reading the daily updates of the energy crisis and Elam’s quiet rebellion against her husband, all while she was half a world away in Tynam. And nothing stuck in the craw quite like helplessness.

With the Prince’s arrest, the estate - a modest Staynish-style townhouse with acres of rolling hills and fields nestled just off the map in the hinterlands between Bingol and Kin - had fallen into government hands. From there, it had been bought at pennies on the dollar by an Ellesborg-based Limited Liability Company, and the rest… well, that was the last anyone needed to hear about the place.

Everyone needed a place to keep their secrets, and their joys. Once, she’d had Symningborg, a cold castle on a hill to keep her confidence. Now she had Als Kholynger, when she wished to fade from the public eye, or the scrutinies of the Sultana’s Palace.

Just for a little moment.

Saga runs her gloved fingers through her hair, and waves her waiting equestrian over to see to her horse.

“The Sultan will arrive in a few minutes,” Jochi says in that bland, matter-of-fact voice of his, “For dinner. I meant to remind you ahead of time, but I do not think you heard me.”

Saga sighs, and squints at the sky. “Yes,” she mutters, “I lost track of time.” Saga swats dust off herself, “Give me a moment, I will be there to greet him.”

In one sense, it was a matter of practicality alone that she had asked her husband to join her for dinner here, rather than at the Sultana’s Palace. The Sultan was in the midst of shuttling between Derengol and Yukader, to personally commemorate the opening of the new high speed rail line. Bingol was just as much in his way as here, it was true, but as Saga had learned from experience by now, moving a motorcade from the airport to the Sultana’s Palace through the city’s sprawling urban mass was always a lengthy affair in its own right. The old Prince Elam had chosen this location well, for the purpose of travel.

But past that… what was a marriage, if not a sharing of secrets and joys? Saga took no guests at Als Kholynger, and her husband made no inquiry of the place. But she would have him here, on this opportunity. She had at last outfitted the place to her liking, and it was as much his home as hers - And as much her home as the Sultana’s Palace.

Saga exhales, and casts one last look around the golden hillsides, and the sun setting the horizon alight. Finally, she begins to trudge the rest of the way back to the townhouse.

There was something important to discuss tonight as well.


“As refuges for respite go, I imagine that this estate is remarkably effective at replenishing one’s spirit, for you seem more radiant than you have in some time, habibi”, Thumim said, before he kissed his wife.

He drew her close to him, clasping her around the waist with his right hand while holding the back of her head with his left as she lay it against his chest. Without the burning gaze of courtiers, affection could be generously and liberally displayed. He kissed her again, their bodies exchanging warmth and scents, cultivating the bond that holds marriages together.

They eased into the evening, delighting in updates about each other’s activities. Thumim spoke with wonder and excitement about the mechanics of trains and the elaborate machinations that enabled them to function, and the deep wisdom and intelligence of the engineers who had orchestrated the construction of the whole thing. He was warmed by Saga’s anecdotes about her horse and her seemingly burgeoning career as a middle-aged jockey. As their conversations tended to do, weightier matters had to be discussed.

“I’ve begun to narrow the candidates for the Home Department”, Thumim said, “And in choosing that person, Prince Luwadeen has rightfully pointed out that there are constituencies whose rising significance necessarily mean that we must consider candidates outside of the Imperial Dynasty. Notwithstanding that we want ministers with skills that portray our government as competent, we must balance the groups that move around us. With Dhakar’s appointment for Justice Minister, the law enforcement and judicial constituencies ought to be satiated”.

He continued, “But the Home Department is notoriously difficult to extract performance from. It has a sprawling, deeply entrenched and change-resistant bureaucracy. But it is costing the government money and its inefficiencies are making it difficult to implement digital transformation and modernisation. As the Chairperson of the Civil Service Commission, Prince Luwadeen believes that we need someone with some currency in the bureaucracy, but with some record of digital transformation. So I need your advice, my juniper”.

Saga silently selects her words for a moment.

“I have every respect for Prince Luwadeen,” she says. That was the truth. She found the Prime Minister to be an intelligent and driven man, of the sort that every government needed, and every ruler watched carefully.

“But I think we see very different worlds,” Saga goes on, “Perhaps it is because I am unaccustomed to yours. But I know the Home Ministry. Every nation has one. Oh, not under the same name, not with the same portfolio, but it is there - The bureaucracy that reaches into every home unseen and unheard from. Ask any citizen of any country about their nation’s cabinet, and they will speak of the Foreign Minister, the Justice Minister, perhaps the Defense Minister. Nobody will speak of the census bureau, whose numbers draw the electoral lines and distribute the budget. Here, our Home Ministry does that atop overseeing every local government in Packilvania. It implements every policy around marriage and inheritance and the nobility. It follows us from birth to death in ways that the Department of State Security never can.”

“The Prince sees a records office. An old library filled with birth certificates and marriage licences in need of modernization. Now, I think we can find someone who will meet that criteria,” Saga clasps her hands on the table, “And there are more factions to appease than there are positions to dole out. But we should not forget that we too - the Imperial Dynasty - are a constituency.”

Saga pauses, to regard the Sultan with a grave look, "I will never forget the week of our wedding. Not the spectre of rebellion Prince Elam raised. Not the hope that all we build might be built for a child of our own. Someday. So, with provinces and inheritances in my thoughts, this is what I see in the Home Ministry, dear husband - I see the levers that can move the world, if pulled by a subtle and clever hand.”

“I find none more clever and subtle than Princess Yadika,” she concludes, “Her administration and modernizations of the Ministry of Natural Resources will speak well to Prince Luwadeen’s requirements. I do not need to tell you that she is capable, nor that she will be more reliable than any alternative. And an open position at the Natural Resources Ministry can in turn be used to reward someone in the business community… preferably the energy sector.”

“And, I will admit,” Saga adds with a faint smile, “I have grown quite fond of your sister. I think she has her own aspirations which will carry her far, and I think she should have this, if she chooses to accept it.”

“Hmm”, Thumim said as he milled, tossed and sifted through her suggestion in his mind.

Princess Yadika had proven a formidable and capable political ally, who had come to occupy a prominent and important place in his inner circle. As far as candidates went, she certainly had his trust. Despite initial rumblings within the family about elevating women in general too highly, she spoke with a voice that was beloved and not unfamiliar to the Princes of the Realm, no matter where they lay on the spectrum of bigotry and misogyny.

“My juniper, you certainly give me pause. There are levers available to satisfy the competing constituencies while still ensuring competent and loyal people are placed in appropriate areas of the government”, Thumim said.

He asked, “If it were that We should appoint Princess Yadika, whom would you have in mind for the Natural Resources department? There is of course the option of selecting the muSharif of a state-owned corporation or a state agency. I am reluctant to bring in someone from outside of the state since the civil service might see the appointment of muMamlukumnelea Yadika as a snub and resist her, and might want compensation in another luBawaab. Although the tides of retirement may be within view and perhaps even reach for many members of the Council of Ministers, at present there are no other potential vacancies but those in the Natural Resource or Home Departments to satisfy that need.”

“I think the Princess should have the first voice in her replacement,” Saga says simply, “Nobody is better suited to understand the requirements of the position. But since you have asked me, I will suggest the current Chief Executive Officer of the Development Bank. Rava Maktarim, that is. I will admit to some bias here,” she adds wryly, “I am passingly familiar with the man. He came to Tynam fairly often once, to oversee an investment in the Tansu nickel mines, though it was many years ago…”

Five years ago, by Saga’s estimation, though now it may as well have been a lifetime past. But she remembered Maktarim alright - A competent, stolid man with all the personality of a lobotomite. A perfect bureaucrat.

“But he is well connected with both the civil service and the private sector,” Saga concludes, “And experienced in the relevant industries. He would be a competence hire, entirely unconnected from the Imperial Dynasty. I think, if he is inclined to take the position, we could certainly do worse…”

2 Likes

Response to the Opening Statement by the Senior Council Jameel Ilthamin: Appeal to the Supreme Court of Packilvania
15 May 2024

The Senior Counsel to the State Security Agency, Abimelek Mustikhar stood and gave his statement, “The Department of State Security hereby formally contests the validity of the appeal made by the Imperial Procuratorate. Firstly, we do not believe that the sections of the Protection of State Secrets Act outlined by the opposing counsel should be struck down as we believe that the law and the highlighted sections are in fact constitutional as follows. The Protection of State Secrets Act aims to preserve the security of the state and the safety of the people of the empire. By removing the State Security Agency’s power to detain persons relevant to its investigations, the Supreme Court would be undermining the State Security Agency, and by extension the executive branch’s functions in providing security to the nation”.

He continued, “While the State Security Agency is responsible for intelligence gathering and not law enforcement, it is often called in by the Imperial Procuratorate to provide expert testimony and this testimony is often considered valid. Therefore, we believe that the same extends to statements taken by witnesses under its custody under oath. Thus we do not think that it is necessary for the agency to hand witnesses over to the Imperial Procuratorate for custody. We also do not believe that this is a violation of Prince Kujil’s right to a fair trial as the statement from the witness is a valid statement with sufficient information to be presented alongside other evidence in support of the Prince’s case”.

Judge Farmahad Wasoon thanked Senior Counsel Mustikhar for his statement. He and the other justices then began asking questions of both counsels. Mustikhar struggled to explain why Jasper Ray was held by the State Security Agency. He continued to repeat that Jasper was an instrumental asset in concluding the investigation into Sultan Thumim’s attempted murder.

Judge Sawad Wasail stated that everyone whom the SSA claimed was involved had already been charged or was deceased. The SSA had continued its investigation but had not brought any other charges since. According to Mustikhar, the SSA would continue to investigate in perpetuity. Judge Wasail found this reasoning unacceptable because according to the law, an investigation had to have a reasonable basis for continuation, which the SSA could not provide. They could not point to exact holes or gaps in their findings that Jasper Ray was meaningfully helping to close, nor could they explain to the judge’s satisfaction how handing over Jasper to the Imperial Procuratorate would protect the integrity of that investigation even if it was valid.

As Senior Counsel for the Imperial Procuratorate, Iltamin pointed out there were mechanisms in the Procuratorate for protecting the witness and keeping their statement secret until it was appropriate and necessary for it to be ventilated in a court of law. Judge Ashter Samoud was concerned that the SSA’s senior counsel could not explain how the executive branch’s role in administering security superceded the right to a fair trial, and thus felt that Mustikhar’s reasoning lacked a constitutional basis. The session concluded with Judge Farmahad Wasoon striking the gavel.

The legal arguments that the SSA presented seemed to attract a lot of suspicion from the judges and struggled to muster the validity and basis to make them stand. Although the Supreme Court was meant to be impartial and apolitical, their decisions had political ramifications for the balance of power between the judicial and executive branches. Prince Lohadek felt that the court would air on the side of preserving and expanding its powers. Knowing that the Sultan would abide by the court’s decision and seeing how likely it was that the case would fail, he began making preparations and seeking alternatives.

Once Jasper spoke to the Imperial Procuratorate, it was only a matter of time before they revealed that Prince Abuyin was not a heterosexual man, and opened a charge of sodomy and fornication against him. That kind of public scrutiny would jeopardise the monarchy in unprecedented and disasterous ways. Seeing that his attempts to protect Abuyin through suppressing information about his personal life were failing, he needed to appeal to a higher power.

Meeting between Princess Yadika and Prince Lohadek
Bingol, Packilvania
18 May 2024

The Usmida Yakhmoud Building served as the headquarters of the department of Home Affairs. The building was constructed in the Socialist Auroran Neo-Classical style. It was built during the Communist era and served to administer the recording and maintaining of public records, a function that moved from the Majhids to the government.

Sitting at a large mahogany table surrounded by red leather chairs, was Princess Yadika, the newly minted Minister of Home Affairs. Were it not for her small frame and flowing feminine dress, one would have mistaken her for a communist commissar. Despite decades of theocratic monarchist rule, Socialist decor continued to dominate the space, symbolising the entrenchment of Communist era politicians and bureacrats in the civil service. It was a fitting reminder of the limitations of supposedly absolute power, limitations that Lohadek was attempting to mitigate.

The revelation of Prince Abuyin’s double life as a closeted gay man (although Lohadek preferred the term sexual deviant), seemed to leave a mark on Yadika. The colour left her cheeks and was replaced by a gray and sickly appearance as she processed the information about the double life he was leading.

She took a long time to react and Lohadek knew to let her speak, respinding when it suited her.

“Lohadek”, Yadika said, “What a mess you’ve made”.

“I don’t think that’s fair”, Lohadek replied.

“I think it is”, she replied, “You knew what Abuyin was up to and you tried all sorts of tricks and cruel maneuvres to cover this up and it has backfired spectacularly because of your shortsightedness and arrogance”.

“Even if it’s true, that’s not going to help”, he said.

“I suppose not, but I think it’s time that you were held accountable and someone told you off”, she replied, “We could have handled this as a family. Does the Sultan know?”

“No one else knows”, Lohadek said. He was careful to exclude details about how Kujil found out and how this linked back to the Jasper case. “The Sultan thinks that Abuyin was seduced by a liar in disguise”.

“Are you going to report or… arrest him?” she said nervously. Of the few times in her life that she stuttered it was this one.

Lohadek replied, “I do not want it to come today, but if I have to, I will”.

She put her face in the palm of her hands and shook her head. She said, “We had always known”. Her voice seemed to age decades in a moment as the weight and fear for her brother descended. “Dad and Thumim were ignorant, but Mom and I knew. Mom had been sure to call spiritual men and questionable healers to cure him. Eventually it seemed like it worked, but I suppose that proved untrue”.

She continued, “Are you going to use this as political leverage?”

Lohadek said, “I don’t know what you take me for, Princess, but I am not a monster”.

Yadika replied, “With your track record of deaths and disappearances, I am not entirely convinced”.

He said, “Princess, I am not the enemy. I am here to help. There may be political qualms and I may have my ambitions, but this is an existential threat to the monarchy that I have fought hard to stop. But my bag of tricks is up and I need your help”.

She nodded, acknowledging him for the first time as not only competent and ruthless but actually concerned about his country. She said, “My office has been quietly working towards modernising how we deal with same sex relationships for a while. While I am a devoted Paxist and I believe firmly in the teachings of the Bas Magdamar, our intepretation of faith needs to advance with the progress of our society. My suggestion is that we pass an act that does not necessarily legalise homosexuality, but mitigates its effects”.

Lohadek was pleased with her answer. Despite the cold mood between Yadiika and Lohadek, it seemed that they had a common goal and were working towards saving Abuyin and the Sultanate.

Presenting the Friendship Act to the Council of Ministers
25 May 2024

Princess Yadika had her head covered in a scarf and wore a simple silk dress with high heels. Her beauty, feminity and piety were often lauded as examples of an ideal Packilvanian and Paxist woman. Sheathed in the scabbard was an intelligence and resilience that surprised many, and won the confidence of her colleagues. Her loyalty to her brother and earnest wish to save his life and the throne added extra significance to the unconventional law she would present to her colleagues.

“What an interesting name, Princess Yadika”, Prince Lohadek said, “The Friendship Act?”

“Yes”, she said, “I do not presume to teach men on matters of faith, as the Magisterium instructs that women cannot do. But, I would like to explain this particular law as it is rooted in the scriptures and aims to fulfil them”.

She continued, “This law is based in the Bas Magdamar. In a fatwa published some years ago, muMakhees muBas Mudawaheen explains the prevailing precepts that the Bas Magdamar instructs us pertaining to friendship. The white paper from the department goes into this in more depth, but in summary the Bas Magdamar says that friendship (specifically a platonic relationship between people who are filialy related) is not a trivial relationship. It forms the basis of communities, reenforces social cohesion and enables the formation of the bonds between believers. In striving to assimilate, it is our friends, who are really our spiritual brothers and sisters, who form our spiritual community and support. The Bas Magdamar says, ‘The one who finds a friend, finds a good thing’. It also says, ‘One should so treasure ones friends, that one should be prepared to die’. This importance on friendship has had much symbolic value, but has never been formalised”.

She continued, “The appetite to formalise friendship arose because of the opportunities and challenges presented by the modern world. As people marry later, live away from family due to work, studies or business, they form friendships on which they depend as much as one would rely on ones family. Many friendships are forged over decades and one can ask ones friends to take care of ones children, or to aid one in a business venture. Various decisions by courts and tribunals have given friends some rights. However, the law is disparate and confusing and completely absent in other cases. This law serves to remedy those issues”.

Prince Luwadeen, the Prime Minister, leaned forward, adjusting his glasses as he read through the document. He said, “I had a look before the meeting and I must say there are some interesting proposals in the white paper for this. If I am correct, this law basically does two things: it prevents friendships for being misconstrued as romantic relationships, and it allows friends to delegate decisions over their affairs, and endow benefits that they would to family and their spouses. I note that this seems to apply to same-sex friendships. What’s the rationale there?”

She continued, “We wanted to ensure that couples would not use this as a backdoor to marriage without the dignity, and protection of marriage. We worked closely with the Magisterium to ensure that we aligned with the marital values of Paxism”.

He replied, “I see. That makes sense. I will send any notes or questions to your office. Does anyone else have thoughts”.

Some other ministers echoed Luwadeen’s comments with Natural Resource Minister Maktarim quipping, "This white paper is so littered with quotations from scripture and reliant on the exegesis of the fatwas that it reads more like a religious sermon than a policy paper. Nevertheless, a government’s job is not to only serve the material, but the spiritual and emotional needs of its people. This is something men often neglect in their leadership and ruling and it demonstrates why women are so critical in decision-making rooms. As the scripture says, “The vessel of our faith is the woman. By her tears, she cries to Noi on behalf of the nation. By her nurturing the people are comforted in distress and reminded of the Most High. Great is the station of she who fears Noi”.

The meeting ended, but Lohadek and Yadika stayed behind.

“Very good, Princess”, he said, “The onerous obligations we place on proving whether a relationship between men is actually romantic and not platonic, will make it impossible for anyone to impugn the Prince”.

Yadika said, “Exactly! The fact that it validates living together, spending money on each other and showing modest affection between men, makes it harder for anyone to suspect anything. The fact that this is anchored so deeply in the Bas Magdamar makes it hard for conservatives to detect our ruse”.

Crushing Dissent
26 May 2024

Although the Friendship Act had been published for comment, the public had until 15 July 2024 to respond. Princess Yadika wanted the period to be shorter but was unable to convince the rest of the Council of Ministers to rush the act without arousing suspicion. So, she gave up the fight and followed the process. On one hand, an adequately long comment period would prevent judicial challenges to its constitutionality on the grounds of procedural unfairness. On the other hand, the situation for which the law was being proposed, (i.e., to protect the heir presumptive of Packilvania and the imperial family from humiliation and potentially rebellion) was time sensitive.

The calamity that would befall the monarchy, if it was found out that Prince Abuyin was a homosexual would be astronomical. With such a delicate situation unfolding in the Packilvanian halls of power, the Prince’s enemies in the Parliament, especially from Ashura and Iganar smelt blood. They used the committee hearings (which were meant to receive oral submissions from the public) to rail against the law and raise suspicions about it’s potential condonation and concealment of homosexual activity.

In the meantime, the state needed to block the evidence of Prince Abuyin’s actions from surfacing. Prince Lohadek submitted a request to the Council of Ministers to approve a directive to crackdown on rumours surrounding Prince Abuyin’s sexuality. He presented an intelligence report claiming that dissenters were using the new Friendship Act to spread rumours abour his sexual orientation and foment rebellion against the state. The Council of Ministers adopted the directive to the Cyber and Telecommunications Intelligence Agency to block phrases and track searches on the internet that propagate “disinformation” surrounding the Prince’s personal affairs. Prince Lohadek also ordered information surrounding the case to be sealed and made accessible only to the monarch, himself and the Prime Minister.

The monarch began sending Prince Abuyin on foreign assignments, keeping him as far away from the country while they tried to pass the Friendship Act. The second issue was the battles with the Imperial Procuratorate that in its prosecutions of Jasper Ray and Prince Kujil and requests to the Supreme Court to strike down sections of national security legislation that could lead to uncovering evidence of Prince Abuyin’s relationship with Jasper Ray.

Since it seemed they were losing the battle, the solution was to stall. They buried the Imperial Procuratorate and the Supreme Court in mountains of documents and delayed oral proceedings as much as possible. Fortunately, they needed to hold them off until the Court’s recess from June to July whereby the cases before the judges seeing this case would be paused. This would give enough time to get traction on the law.

In that time, the Imperial Procuratorate could not justify keeping Jasper or Prince Kujil. Thus, they decided to allow Jasper and Prince Kujil to continue living in Packilvania unable to leave the country until their matter was settled hopefully by the end of the year. They were kept under the watch of the police. The SSA secretly bankrolled their lives in the country and sent their agents disguised as lawyers to coach them on getting out of the treason investigation and reminding them of the precarity of their situation.

The SSA had decided not to punish them from trying to kill their Sultan, but to instead focus on getting them out of the web that Prosecutor Iltamin had spun.

The Law is Passed
30 June 2024
Tyberian Palace, Bingol, Packilvania

The beige facade of the Tyberian Palace and the lush greenery that filled its manicured gardens made the edifice seem more comforting and less imposing. As birds sang in the trees and visitors sat on the benches, the day seemed jovial.

In reality, the day was not as jovial within the Palace’s walls. The chambers of the Legislative Council were abuzz as the vote on the Friendship Act was called. In the lobbies, some members of the Iganarian and Ashurian delegations (the self-styled Conservative Caucus) tried to convince members of the other delegations to vote against the act. Despite Princess Yadika and the Dicastery of the Conviction’s attempts to convince them, both in the public hearings and in private discussions, the Conservative Caucus was resolutely opposed.

Last minute attempts to add amendments and convince other delegations to vote this way and that came to a halt as the Secretaries of Parliament summoned members to vote. Unlike other laws, the Sultan did not explicitly express an opinion on the law, distancing himself from its implications. This allowed the Legislative Council and the Executive branch to debate the act within themselves and between each other without his interference.

This gave the delegates the space to address the act without bias or imperial pressure, enabling the law to stand on its own merits. With that in mind, the executive and conservative delegates negotiated amendments to the law from the form that was initially proposed (see here for the summary of the original proposal)

Minor changes were introduced such as requiring that only people who had known each other for at least a year and had witnesses to their friendship were eligible to register as best friends. This would make it complicated for Prince Abuyin and Jasper as most of their relationship had been a secret and the majority of the witnesses were arrested, disappeared or dead. But that was a constraint that the Department of State Security would figure out and a compromise that Princess Yadika could live with.

Prince Ajhar, the Chairperson of the Legislative Council struck his gavel against the wooden block on his desk, calling the delegates to order. He read the title of the act and called the vote. Some delegates had not attended so as to avoid being associated with either position or because of other circumstances such as personal leave and business trips. But fortunately there were enough members present to make sure that the session was quorate. Despite absentions and rejections, the law passed with 56% of the votes, a tight call by Packilvanian standards.

The law was sent to Sultan Thumim who signed it that very day, with enough time for the law to be published in the Government Gazette, making the act official. Now the Department of State Security had the difficult work of proving that Prince Abuyin and Jasper Ray were friends. The first problem was getting Jasper to be proven innocent of attempting to assassinate Sultan Thumim and pin the whole plot on Prince Kujil.

Proving that Prince Kujil had orchestrated the assassination plot was not difficult. The Imperial Procuratorate had the evidence that he organised the bomb that destroyed the Behayeen Bridge, hired the assassins, and bribed military officials to give the assassins access. What the court also needed to know was motive. Although his outrage at Thumim not pardoning him for corruption was a likely motive, the reality was that he had agreed with the rest of the Farayn, a club consisting of himself, Prince Lohadek (Minister of State Security) and other powerful people to do it so that they could get Abuyin to inherit the throne before he came out as gay with the intention of removing him from the throne quickly.

For Prince Lohadek, this admission would expose the fact that he was complicit in trying to get the Sultan and Prince Abuyin killed. This was a prospect that he could not allow. But the situation was too delicate for him to just kill all the witnesses involved and be done with it. It was also unlikely that anyone would believe that he had pretended to agree knowing that he intended to foil the plan.

The State Security Department decided that they needed to admit some of the truth. Firstly, they needed to admit that Jasper and Abuyin met each other at a beach party in the Oan Isles. They needed to admit that they tried to start a business together. They would have to get Prince Abuyin to pay a civil settlement with the Oan government for violating its laws when trying to do so.

They would have to admit that Prince Abuyin and Jasper Ray met up in Kuter Kebir, Free Pax States. Luckily, it would be impossible to prove that any of this amounted to homosexual activity. They were reasonably sure that the government of the Free Pax States would not cooperate with the Imperial Procuratorate’s requests to interrogate citizens or collect evidence if it decided to open a case on the grounds of homosexuality should Prince Kujil include that as one of his motives for plotting the assassination.

Even if the homosexuality charges, assuming they arose, didn’t stick, it would cast a pall over Prince Lohadek and remove whatever trust existed with the Sultan. Although he revelled in the victory of passing the law and his department’s competent handling of things, it was becoming apparent that he would have to fall on his sword to save everyone else; his time in the government was coming to an end.

1 Like

Wrapping up the Case
Bingol, Packilvania

Imperial Procurator Iltamin spent the time since his case was paused due to the recess of the Supreme Court preparing a case against Prince Kujil and Jasper Ray for the attempted assassination of Sultan Thumim V and Prince Abuyin in 2022.

One of the challenges he had was that the State Security Agency (SSA) did not want to hand Jasper Ray over to the Imperial Procuratorate for questioning. The SSA got a written statement from Jasper Ray that they argued was sufficient to prosecute the case. Iltamin argued that statements from witnesses and accused persons collected by the SSA were inadmissable to court as evidence for a prosecution and that they were only useful for the executive branch for intelligence analysis.

The issue arose because the SSA and the Imperial Procuratorate had different interpretations of the Protection of State Secrets Act, a law that allows the SSA to close information that threatened state security.

The Imperial Procuratorate believed that some of the provisions of the act were unacceptable because they violated the rights of Packilvanian citizens to a fair trial and that even if there the SSA’s interpretation of the law was valid, the SSA cannot prove that there is a national security threat that justifies preventing Jasper Ray from being directly questioned by it.

Because neither the SSA nor the Imperial Procuratorate could prove why they needed Jasper Ray, the Supreme Court felt that there was no need to keep him in custody. Because Jasper Ray was the citizen of a foreign nation without support, the SSA provided him with financial support and coached him on dealing with the Imperial Procuratorate without it knowing.

The SSA had also given the Imperial Procuratorate reems of documents, most of which were useless, as the courts had sided with the Imperial Procuratorate’s subpoena request. Working through the documents was proving to be expensive and resource intensive.

What Iltamin needed was witness testimony, camera surveillance footage, receipts and personal belongings, but most of that information was located in the Free Pax States and the Oan Isles. Those countries respective law enforcement authorities were reluctant at best and hostile at worst to assistjng the Imperial Procuratorate for this case. Coupled with the fact that there was no legal framework compelling their cooperation, Iltamin was getting nowhere with them.

He really only had enough evidence to prove that Prince Kujil was involved. He had all the evidence required to have Prince Kujil executed for the attempted assassination of the Sultan and Prince Abuyin. The reason that Iltamin was interested in Jasper was (a) to convict him if he was involved and (b) determine whether there was anyone else involved in conspiring the plot.

After years of investigations, the Imperial Procuratorate was getting no closer to the truth. It was obvious that something was amiss and that Jasper Ray was the key to it, but they could not prove it. As the months and years passed, the clues grew colder. Evidence was becoming harder to come by and the Imperial Court was demanding results.

The Imperial Procuratorate tried to question Jasper Ray, but he had an incredibly effective legal team throughout the questioning process, making it hard to use advanced interrogation techniques (some of which are condemned if not altogether illegal in other jurisdictions). Although it became obvious that there were ties between Jasper Ray and Prince Kujil, it was practically impossible to prove that Jasper Ray was directly involved.

There was clearly a relationship between Prince Abuyin and Jasper Ray. On the surface it seemed all about business, but there were signs that it was more than that. As to, how much more, and whether that was worth pursuing, it was impossible to tell. The Imperial Procuratorate decided that it was time to cut their losses.

When it was their day to appear before the court, the Imperial Procuratorate informed rhe court that they were dropping charges against Jasper Ray in relation to the assassination. They concluded that Prince Kujil acted alone. Despite best attempts to press him, Prince Kujil did not rat out his partners in the Ferayn. He kept his lips tightly sealed, concealing Prince Lohadek and others’ involvement, giving Iltamin no clues to follow.

Thus, Supreme Court dismissed the case pertaining to the constitutionality of the provisions of the Protection of State Secrets Act, leaving the controversial and ambiguous law in tact, but it issued an order to the Council of Ministers to introduce an amendment to tighten up the language of the act. With Jasper Ray no longer remanded to the custody of the Imperial Procuratorate, he was at the mercy of the State Security Agency.

Thus, the case of treason against Prince Kujil resumed in the Bingol High Court. With the evidence that was presented, Prine Kujil was sentenced to a summary execution by decapitation for first degree attempted murder. Jasper Ray was acquited given that the Imperial Procuratorate dropped the charges and the court was pleased with its rationale for doing so.

With the law making it harder for anything that Jasper Ray and Prince Abuyin did together to be legally construed as grounds for prosecution for homosexuality, future cases against the Prince were virtually impossible to prove. Thus, the SSA let Jasper go.

The Last Day on Urth
12 August 2024
Bingol, Packilvania

There was no day in ones life that is as unfortunate and liberating as the day of ones execution. The day was cool. Clouds filled the sky and blanketed the city of Bingol in a gray light. Small puddles of water formed as occassional showers slipped past the heavenly firmament.

For his last day, he was kept in a special suite in the King Rulhan Prison reserved for royalty. It was rarely used but the fact that it existed, demonstrates that the government predicted that times would come when it would have to act against Princes of the Realm.

Prince Kujil spent a few of his last moments with his family. His two wives wept constantly. His children did not understand what was happening or why their mothers were distraught. But their father kept comforting them, playing with them. The children’s joy contrasted with the macabre nature of the day.

Prince Kujil kept hugging them, kissing, laughing and sobbing. The soldiers came with the executioner and told him that it was time to go. His wife Farjala clung to him and refused to let go. She yelled, “No! No! Leave him alone!”

Despite her protestation, the soldiers overpowered her and took the family away. Once his family was taken away, he got up, but then Prince Lohadek entered.

“Sol amin”, Prince Lohadek said which means “my friend” in Packilvanian.

“You are not my friend”, Prince Kujil responded matter of factly.

Prince Lohadek commanded the soldiers to leave the room so that they could speak privately.

“We agreed…” Before Prince Lohadek could complete his sentence, Prince Kujil cut him off.

He said, “I know what we agreed to. It was I who had the moral courage to get rid of that hajaf for the sake of keeping our monarchy free from the sin of homosexuality. This is the price I pay for failure; a price that we agreed to”.

“If that is what will comfort you, then you may believe what you will”, Prince Lohadek replied.

“I suppose it helps that you’ve threatened the lives of my family”, Prince Kujil said with a malevolent grin, “Because who knows what perfidiousness I would have revealed”.

“You’ve had a go at me”, Prince Lohadek said, “I understand that. This failure is as much yours as it is mine. Sooner or later, the truth will come out and my involvement will surface. So, I am going to resign from the Council of Ministers”.

“I am happy for you”, Prince Kujil said sarcastically, resting his arm on Prince Lohadek’s shoulder, rattling the chains binding his feet, “In my last hours, you have given me the gift of showing some moral accountability, a sensation I am sure is unfamiliar to you. Honestly, if you don’t finish the work, your life is worthless. Hear me now, Prince Lohadek, complete the work. Avenge me. Or else, I proclaim in the name of Noi that you will be cursed and your spirit will never rest”.

Prince Lohadek stood up quickly and threw Prince Kujil’s hand off him. He looked at him in disgust.

Prince Lohadek summoned the guards and left the room. They covered the Prince’s head with a black bag and muzzled him. Prince Lohadek wanted to ensure that he didn’t make any last minute declarations. He was walked to a plinth in an open courtyard. Members of the family were allowed to attend. Of those who could decline the invitation, all did except for Prince Lohadek. He stood beside the Sultan on the balcony overlooking the place of execution voluntarily beholding the fullness of his works. To the Sultan’s ignorance, Prince Lohadek was grieving his own folly and wrestling with the prospect that one day, Thumim would find out and he would follow.

A few Princes were compelled to attend at the Sultan’s insistence. The governors who had revolted against Thumim V and were subsequently deposed, stood in the barren courtyard and watched as Prince Kujil was forced to his knees. A single makhees (magister) read verses of scripture from the Bas Magdamar. As the makhees proclaimed, “To thee I shall return”, the sword fell on Prince Kujil’s outstretched neck, separating his head from his body.

Prince Elam of Mekedesh vomited immediately while Prince Idesh collapsed. There was something vulgar and detestable about this form of execution. Execution was already highly contentious and many societies viewed it as evil. But this macabre display did not feel like justice. And the fact that Thumim had compelled them to behold it, evoked the message he wanted to convey: he was not to be trifled with.

Thumim had the option to show mercy and grant him a pardon, but he didn’t. For all the conversation of liberalisation, and modernisation, in the end he was the law, his right to rule was divine and he would defend it even if it cost the life of a Prince.

The Resignation
Early January 2025

Prince Lohadek had devoted years of his adult life to the public service through his role in the government and the military. While royalty was often associated with entitlement and comfort, he had spent his career in the throws of political intrigue, hard gruelling work and physical discomfort and pain. One can legitimately criticise his propensity for cruelty and underhanded tactics, but one was compelled to admit that he was a masterful tactician, an effective administrator and a competent leader. He was like an extension of the monarch himself, whichever was in power at the time, and did his work diligently and quietly, like a muscular reliable arm.

But after years of leading the intelligence services and presiding over the atrocities and scandals that such a role inevitably begets, all he had to show for it was shame. In his mind, he had failed to stop Prince Kujil and the other members of the Ferayn from trying to assassinate Prince Abuyin, and he had blundered the relationship between Prince Abuyin and Jasper Ray.

As he sat in his study, his wife brought him tea and biscuits. She sat on his lap and he embraced her. Her warmth and perfume of oud filled him with so much peace and comfort that he began to sob. He sobbed because he felt unworthy of her love and the right to be comforted by her, but he also wept for Prince Abuyin, who would forever be alone, unable to love freely and openly, and doomed to the impossible and lonely task of ruling the nation alone. It was tragic.

After his resignation, he believed that change was needed. If the Bedonite dynasty continued to draw from its ranks when appointing leading members of government, the complacency, entitlement, aloofness and ignorance of a presumably untouchable monarchy, would make them ineffective rulers susceptible to cowardice, corruption, cruelty and stagnation.

And so he recommended the Chair of the Legislative Council Committee for State Security as his successor. Prince Luhad was surprised by the nomination given that he and Waseem Nakhmoud were always at odds. They were bitter foes. Prince Lohadek always resented having to appear before the intelligence committee. The meetings were often an exchange of polemics between himself and Nakhmoud. While others were tepid and meek, Nakhmoud brandied what little influence he had to hold the Department of State Security accountable. Reflecting on his own failures and wickedness, Prince Lohadek believed that this is what the country needed.

When the new Prime Minister informed Sultan Thumim V of this recommendation, he was sceptical. But Waseem Nakhmoud’s honourable history in the military, intelligence, government and parliament, brought a new light into the corridors of power. These events as small as they seemed, were shaping the future of the Bedonite dynasty.

Their rule was tattering at the seems and the hand of dictatorial monarchy was losing its grip on unchallenged power and Prince Lohadek was among the first dominoes to fall.

Prince Abuyin and Prince Lohadek Meet
18 February 2025

It is remarkable how completely and unambiguously a good nap can revitalise the body and rejuvenate the spirit. Unfortunately, for Prince Abuyin, he relied too much on its power to not only give back energy but to silence the din of shame, guilt and loneliness swirling in his head.

Abuyin was among the privileged classes. He enjoyed protection, wealth, comfort and esteem that few other citizens of his country could afford. And at some point in his life, he was a bulwark of the systems that kept others submerged and invisible. It was rather hypocritical of him to expect grace and mercy.

The truth was simple and plain: he betrayed the only person he had ever loved, for the sake of his position. He often justified it in that he was more than just an individual. But he was the very future of the Imperial Family and that the thousands of its members and millions of its subjects depended upon him.

“I cannot let my people down”, he would say, no matter how much his heart wept.

From one of these lovely naps. He was awoken by a reluctantly accepted audience with Prince Lohadek. With hopes of becoming Prime Ministers dashed by his proximity with one of the most scandalous misadventures of the modern-age and the prospect of a career in politics greatly diminished, he did not seem as much of a threat.

He sat in the drawing room at the Sultana Palace. He had refused the tea usually served to guests. Prince Abuyin looked at the back of his head with dread and hatred. He blamed Prince Lohadek for the disaster that unfolded but was greatful to him for moving mountains to keep both him and Jasper alive.

“Your Royal Highness”, Prince Lohadek said.

“You heard me approach?” Prince Abuyin said as he left the door frame and entered the room, sitting across from Prince Lohadek in the other chair.

Prince Lohadek stood up and gave him a bw before sitting back down. Silence passed like the ache of nails on a chalkboard. Prince Abuyin beheld this figure with whom he had wrestled for months.

Sensing that the Prince Abuyin was not about to speak first, Prince Lohadek initiated the conversation: “I know that you hate me and you blame me for what happened”.

“We could have been happy in Kuter Kebir!” Prince Abuyin exclaimed, “Why could you not leave us alone?”

The Prince stood up, enraged, and continued, “You’ve always known. All you had to do was keep it to yourself and all of this could have been avoided. I would still have my love”.

Prince Lohadek replied, “Surely, my Prince, you were not under the misapprehension that he would have been content to be a prisoner in a foreign land serving your needs? A high profile politician from a small country has disproportionate ambitions and you, a leviathan by comparison, offered opportunity inconceivable to such a person. You were used”.

“You lie!” Prince Abuyin yelled. In a quiet, hissing voice, he said, “He loved me. Cared about me. Wanted me. It was you. You planted that other man and invaded the sanctity of our home. Jasper would have waited. Jasper would have let me figure out what to do next”.

“What exactly would you have done?”

“I don’t know”, he said, “But I could have found a way to make Jasper happy and still be with him and still make my people happy. But you took the opportunity for me to figure what to do away from me”.

“I have been contrite and patient with you thusfar Abuyin, but the truth is you are naive. You were never, in your life, going to keep this from spreading”.

“Plenty of sovereigns have had secret affairs”, Prince Abuyin said, “Why not I?”

“Because your enemies are too vast. No matter how mighty the Crown, it is not stronger than the disgust of our people or the poison of our enemies some of whom serve as courtiers and feign allyship”, Prince Lohadek replied.

“I would have passed a law decriminalising homosexuality”, Abuyin said, “If I were Sultan and not my brother, I would have changed this country for the better so that people could be free?”

“Ha!” Prince Lohadek said, “What nonsense! You are not only foolish and naive but you are arrogant if you think that you can overcome the phobias of this nation with the stroke of a pen. Another example, why I did not trust you”.

“If your forces hadn’t interfered, Prince Kujil’s efforts could have been successful and I would have gotten the throne as planned”.

The air seemed to cool and become as cold as ice at the utterance of those words.

“Your Royal Highness, I am going to pretend that I did not hear that. I am not going to allow my mind to run to wild insinuations. I will deliver this letter, which is why I am really here”. Prince Lohadek said as he put an envelope on the table.

“What is this?” Abuyin asked.

“Something that might give you insight”. Lohadek said as he got up and began walking for the door.

“I have not dismissed you!” Abuyin said.

Lohadek looked back slowly and said, “Oh. Haven’t you?”

He continued walking. Prince Abuyin yelled after him, “I never want to see you again!”

“Likewise, sir”, Lohadek replied, “Likewise”.

Once he was gone, Abuyin picked up the letter. He grabbed the letter opening knife on the cabinet. He carefully parted the tightly shut envelope revealing a white page with Jasper’s handwriting. From its neat spacing, even proportions and steady strokes, it was clear that this was written slowly and calmly. And it was indeed Jasper Ray’s handwriting.

“Dearest Abuyin. The time I spent with you taught me many things. Not only about you, but about myself. I have an incredible capacity to devote myself to love, despite my age. I can be patient, calm and loving. I am also kind and understanding, ready to forgive and see the good in others almost to a fault. When I met you I was taken by your charm and good looks. I was carried by your exotic nature. Unaccustomed to the glory you showered on me, I took to you. And you had my heart. While you were just Abu, my sweet beloved, there was nothing in the world that could tear us apart. But having gone through the ridicule of my peers, the distrust of my constituents, the isolation of my party, and the brutality of the Packilvanian security system. I have discovered other things about you. You care only about yourself. The only thing that matters to you is an imaginary desire to fulfil expectations no one else placed on you, to exaggerate your own importance, and to crush others on the way to your goals. You are like a parasite, extracting and extracting. You isolated me from my family and failed to protect me as your people subjected me to horrors I will never be able to escape, even in my dreams. They did not need to execute me. They killed me long before and you were the first person to plunge the knife. I hate you. I never want to see you, hear from you or be in your presence again. Even the very thought of you causes me to shudder with revulsion and fear. Please do not seek me out or try to bribe with money. I want nothing from you. Sincerely, Jasper”.

Abuyin could not believe the letter and had to read it several times to understand what it meant. The words began carving small gashes into his heart. A jolt of aim sprang from his head to his toes, leaving emptiness and horror in its wake. Jasper was gone. Not only physically but emotionally. All he could do was cry, crumpled like paper at the foot of his chair.

1 Like